ماهنامه معرفت
سال سی‌ام شماره 5 (پیاپی 284، امرداد 1400)

This paper is a commentary on the advices of Imam Mohammad Bagher (PBUH) to Jabir b. Yazid al-Ju’fi, one of his noble companions, regarding the characteristics of the real Shiites. Enumerating the virtues and positions that God Almighty has prescribed for man and the ways that lead him to these perfections, Imam Bagher (PBUH) draws our attention to our future and says, "what can we do to be loved by God?" "What can we do to do our duty better and protect ourselves from the devil?" and "how can we make up for our past mistakes?" Imam says: remind yourself of your past sins and express your true remorse, ask for forgiveness a lot and change your plans and return to God in order to be worthy of divine mercy and in order to succeed in this way do not neglect prayers and supplications in the darkness of nights.

Moralizing politics means regulating political, social, economic and cultural relations based on ethics and justice. Political ethics seeks to bring moral dos and don'ts into politics. Using an analytical-descriptive method, this paper deals with the relationship between ethics and politics from the perspective of Islam, and through this reviews the political life of the Holy Prophet and Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUT). Institutionalizing ethics in politics, this paper explains the transcendent view of Islam on ethics, which, in particular, has been clearly observed in the political life of the two Infallibles who have ruled. From the governmental and political life of these two Infallibles, it can be concluded that the Holy Prophet and Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUT) institutionalized the unity of morality and politics, since the political power in Islamic is based on morality and humanity. Various manifestations of the integration of ethics and politics can be seen during the fifteen years of the rule of the Holy Prophet and the Commander of the Faithful (PBUT).

In order to understand the political behavior of individuals, the content of letters in historical sources is of special importance. Using an analytical-comparative method this paper seeks to evaluate the letters of Aisha, the wife of the Messenger of God (PBUH), during the caliphate of Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH), as well as the letters sent to her to be compared to her actions. The main question of this research is to what extent these letters can be effective in presenting Aisha's political behavior? and whether the themes and claims of Aisha's letters are consistent with her political performance? The findings show that Aisha's claims, such as following the truth, reforming the affairs of the nation, taking revenge on the killers of Uthman, people's demand for taking revenge on the killers of Uthman and the usurpation of the Caliphate by Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH), not only do not correspond to reality, but also contradict it.

One of the important events in the history of early Islam was the issue of arbitration in the battle of Siffin, when Mu'awiya puts copies of the Qur'an on spears and the army of Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH) surrendered to the enemies and imposed arbitration on Imam. Historians have not given a definitive answer to the details of the negotiations. In the meantime, there is a narration in narrative and historical books that confirms the "appointment of the caliph" in arbitration, but Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH) did not accept the result of the arbitration. Using an analytical-descriptive and deskresearch method and examining narrative and historical evidences, this article concluded that the narration is "mursal" in terms of the chain of narrators and "muḍṭarib" in terms of transcriptions and thus is considered as a weak narration. Also, historical evidences are invalid due to the limited resources and conflict with the text of the arbitration agreement, which does not mention the appointment of the caliph. Therefore, the focus of arbitration negotiations is limited to the issues between Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH) and Mu'awiya, not the determination of the caliph. 

One of the main questions in the comparison between the Kufis and the Iranians is that with what theoretical background did the Iranians not suffer from slips and civil disobedience like the Kufis against their guardian leader after the victory of the Islamic Revolution? Using a descriptive-analytical method, focusing on authentic Islamic sources and reviewing the civil disobediences of the Khawarij (mohakkeme) and the Khawarij-oriented Kufis against Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH), this paper explains the absolute divine guardianship of Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH) in spiritual or mystical, political, judicial and religious dimensions and then examines the theological roots of political anomalies or the decline of the theoretical foundations of the Khawarij and the Khawarij-oriented Kufis. The results show that the false beliefs of these groups about the dimensions of the guardian leadership of Imam Ali the Commander of the Faithful (PBUH) were the secret behind their civil disobedience to their Imam. But on the other hand, the belief of the Iranians in guardian leader, whether an Infallible Imam or a qualified jurist, has been the secret behind the refusal of the Iranians from the behavior of the Khawarij-oriented Kufis .

Ziyad ibn Abihi is one of the agents of the Umayyads who ruled in a critical historical period in the middle of the first century A.H. in the strategic and crisis-ridden region of Iraq. Using an analytical-descriptive method and for a detailed analysis of the early history of Islam and the elucidation of its hidden and unknown angles, in this study, the period of Ziyad ibn Abihi over Iraq has been explored. This study seeks to answer the question of how much Ziyad ibn Abihi played a role in strengthening and establishing the Umayyad caliphate during his rule in Iraq, and what activities he carried out in this regard. Studies show that he did his best to severely suppress the opponents of the Umayyads and tried to make the Umayyad rule successful through social, economic, civilizational and cultural activities. As a result of his actions, the land of Iraq remained calm for the Umayyads during his rule, and the possible dangers of the Iraqis for the newly established Umayyad government were eliminated.

Shiite movements led by great Shiite scholars promoted and spread Shiism in Iran, which at the beginning of the tenth century A.H. led to the formation of the Safavid state. Using an analytical-descriptive method, relying on first-hand sources and focusing on Shiite movements and governments this paper seeks to analyze the causes and events of the emergence and establishment of the Safavid Shiite state in Iran to accurately understand the conditions of the political establishment of the Safavid Shiite state. The main finding of this study shows that previous Shiite movements and governments have paved the way for the emergence of this dynasty. Also, the efforts of Shiite scholars at the time of the Safavids, who entered the Safavid government based on the history of Islam and the principles of jurisprudence, is very important.

During the Tobacco Protest, seyyed Abdollah Behbahani supported Régie's contract and violated the ban on tobacco. In this regard, some of his activities such as visiting the British officials put him among the violators of the fatwa of prohibition of tobacco. Using a historical method and focusing on historical reports and documents, this paper seeks to review the Seyyed Abdollah Behbahani's stand on the Tobacco Protest.  From an empathetic point of view, his action can be justified in two ways (both of which can be criticized, of course): I) Having doubts about the authenticity and legality of the fatwa II) Paying attention to the benefits of Régie's contract and the disadvantages of its termination for Iran. Despite the fact that Behbahani had established close relations with the Prime Minister Amin al-Sultan and also had interests with British officials and their policies, which their effects on Behbahani's ideas cannot be ignored, but the claim that Behbahani had received a bribe to oppose the fatwa is seriously questioned and the available evidences are not able to prove it.

One of the issues that has been considered by different historians in different schools of Islamic historiography and has been the focus of analysis of different events is the issue of destinyism. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this paper seeks to answer the question of what is the position of the idea of destinyism in Tarikh-i Bayhaqi. The results show that despite the fact that Bayhaqi has followed the scientific and sometimes rational method in his historiography, but because of superficiality, he practically denies the human will and introduces divine destiny as the most important factor in the emergence and formation of events. This idea is especially reflected in his historiography in relation to political issues. The findings also show that various factors have played a role in the formation of the idea of destinyism in Tarikh-i Bayhaqi.