نشریه سیاست و روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 9 (بهار و تابستان 1400)

The main foreign policy priority of the 13th Administration has been to develop relations with its neighbors and Middle Eastern countries. One of the neglected areas in this relationship over the past decades has been the issue of health diplomacy. The purpose of this article is to examine the political-economic obstacles to Iran's foreign policy for the development of health diplomacy in the Middle East. So, the main question of the research is what are the most important obstacles facing the 13th Administration to advance health diplomacy in the Middle East? The main hypothesis of the research emphasizes the existence of these barriers at three levels: national, regional and international. To answer the main question, a qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach has been used. Findings show that Pursuing health diplomacy affects the development of countries' political-economic relations as much as it ensures global security and health, and Iran can make it a priority in its regional policy. Today, the need for this diplomacy is felt more than ever in Iran's foreign policy. Given the prevalence of coronavirus in the world and in Iran, the steps taken by Iran are not enough. Removing obstacles to health diplomacy requires tough decisions in the international arena, national planning, détente, and trust-making at the regional level.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the political implications of the Obama administration's cyber diplomacy with Iran. In this regard, the question is how US cyber diplomacy during the Obama presidency has influenced Iran's political developments? Considering that the most important political goals of US cyber diplomacy towards Iran are to create a negative attitude among Iranians towards the political system, to highlight Iran's internal problems, and ultimately to weaken and overthrow the Islamic Republic, this hypothesis is formed that most cyberspace users have been influenced by US propaganda and have acted in line with the US goals against the Islamic Republic. In order to test this hypothesis, first the US cyber diplomacy in the Obama era towards Iran and then its political effects on Iranian society are examined. US cyber diplomacy with Iran began in a limited way during the George W. Bush era, but during the Obama era, the full potential of cyber diplomacy such as blogs, Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, browsers, etc. was used in US public and cyber diplomacy with Iran. Research shows that US cyber diplomacy has been successful in a variety of political areas, such as domestic unrest, foreign policy, and cyber espionage. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical and the information has been collected in a library method.

This article seeks to answer the question of how the 25-year Iran-China agreement can be evaluated in the light of China's foreign policy developments. The hypothesis of the article, which was examined by descriptive-analytical method, was that with the end of the Cold War, China's foreign policy orientations changed from "non-alignment" to "partnership agreement" and the 25-year Iran-China agreement can be evaluated in this Approach. Addressing this issue is important in terms of examining the 25-year Iran-China agreement from a Chinese foreign policy perspective. This study will show how the Chinese implement their strategies in the form of a coordinated and planned policy.Experimental findings show that since 1993, the number of Chinese partners in the form of a partnership agreement has been on the rise, with Beijing now partnering with more than 78 countries. This means that participatory diplomacy has become an important tool in China's foreign policy in recent years. Of course, the pattern of China's strategic partnership varies from country to country, depending on its position in China's foreign policy. Theoretical findings of the research also show that the orientation of countries' foreign policy is not fixed and changes in different time conditions under the influence of the requirements of national interests.

The rivalry lran and Arabia has tention Strongly Due to Yemen crisis in past yeards. Yemen as back yard has strategic lmportance for Riyadh and capture Sana capital Yemen by Houthis that from view of intellectual are affected from lslamic Revolution has take away restful sleep from saudi authories and lran to accused to military and Political support from Yemen Ansarullah.Target Research is surrvey strategic rivalry lran and Arabia in Yemen. The question this Research is, what from is the Regional rivalry between lran and Arabia in the crisis in Yemen from 2011 to 2020 depicted? For answer this question, in this Research will be paid from the theoretical approach of structural realism and specially from the approach of threat balance Walt and explanatory method and whit use the the Resources of Library and Internet. Hypothesis us is the strategic rivalry of lran and Arabia can to draw in format "Regional cold war" in awah historical and religious conflicts has Led to Geopolitical rivalry eventually to proxy war in the Yemen. In this regard, perception of threat by Arabia in expansion influnce of lran lncreased tension in their relationships. 

Factors are very effective in forming alliances between countries. In fact, the goal of many countries in alliances with other countries is to gain more benefits and counter threats, because each country in the field of international relations acts on its own interests and enters into alliances with other countries. Therefore, it must be said that in the formation of an alliance, there must be two main factors (common threat and common interests). The victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 changed the situation in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, including six Arab countries. The southern shore of the Persian Gulf has formed a council called the Gulf Cooperation Council so that they can deal with Iran as a whole. Therefore, this study seeks to answer the question of what are the grounds for the formation of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council against the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis presented in this research is based on the fact that the purpose of establishing the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is to deal with the self-made threat of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method used in this research is descriptive-analytical. Findings of this study show that according to Walt threat theory, factors such as geographical proximity, offensive intentions, offensive power and increased offensive capability have led to the formation of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Today, the countries of the world are trying to take advantage of geopolitical factors to adopt appropriate strategies in line with their national interests. The Persian Gulf region and its surrounding countries is one of the most sensitive and strategic regions in the world, which is of great importance to its communication, geoeconomic, geopolitical and geostrategic values. This article aims to explain and identify the military geopolitical factors affecting Iran's defense strategies in the Persian Gulf and tries to answer the main question "What are the military geopolitical factors affecting the defense strategies of the Iran in the Persian Gulf?". The type of research, development and method of collecting data and information required by libraries, documents and field is using descriptive-analytical and case-based methods to identify these military factors and to confirm And determine the role of their factors (in the form of opportunities, threats, strengths and weaknesses). In this regard, the relevant questionnaires were distributed among a statistical population of 40 people in full and using descriptive and inferential statistical analysis methods and SPSS software to summarize the research answers. Finally, 18 factors were extracted and introduced as "military power and high quantitative and qualitative capability of the Iranian Armed Forces", "Strategic weapons and missile deterrence of the Islamic Republic of Iran" and "Concluding contracts and military agreements of countries in the region to purchase weapons and equipment" as important. The most important military geopolitical factors affecting the defense strategies of the Iran in the Persian Gulf were ranked.

US foreign policy seeks to sustain and support international influence and position, as well as to ensure the security of itself and its strategic partners in the face of various challenges, in order to achieve the macro-policies outlined in its National Security Strategy document. To achieve this issues, the US military largely plays an active and effective role in advancing foreign policy goals. In this regard, the US Department of Defense, in addition to the common intimidation methods that are generally expected from the military on the battlefield, has increased military cooperation and carried out peaceful missions such as HA/DR, Troop Training or Stabilization Operations to prevent or control threats. Such actions are in line with the realities of the last two decades, such as the emergence of new security challenges and the growth of negative attitudes towards American unilateral actions among nations. This article seeks to address the soft components of US military power that are defined in terms of military diplomacy and smart power, and to assess their impact on the conduct of the country's foreign policy. The main question is what effect has US military diplomacy had on the country's foreign policy? The research hypothesis expresses the view that Military diplomacy promotes the goals and objectives defined in the national security strategy and US foreign policy by creating a positive impact on the nation-state perspective, shaping the international environment, expanding the operational environment, maintaining global influence and access.

Iran and Saudi Arabia are the most important in the region and,which have experienced turbulent relations after the Islamic Revolution. While before the Islamic Revolution, a kind of convergence and relative stability prevailed in their relations. The outbreak of the Islamic Revolution changed the social and identity structure of Iran. And following this transformation, conflicting social and identity structures were created between Iran and Saudi Arabia. As a result of conflicting constructs, inconsistent and inverse realities overshadowed their relationship. In other words, what was defined as reality in the Islamic Republic of Iran was considered a mistake in Saudi Arabia, and vice versa. Therefore, the pattern of disparate relations between the two countries was formed in such a way that peaceful relations in their relations have become a fleeting thing and the crisis and recurrence of the crisis has become a permanent and fundamental thing. This research has investigated the reasons and grounds for the recurrence of the crisis in the relations between the two countries with an analytical-descriptive method The relations between the two countries and research data also show that the recurrence of the crisis in the relations between the two countries has been a function of the deep contrasting social structures and contrary elements of identity and speech tensions between the two countries.

The China-Pakistan corridor is one of the most important components of the One-Belt One-Road initiative. The present study tries to answer the question of what are the strategies of regional and trans-regional actors towards the China-Pakistan corridor, relying on convergence theory and descriptive research method.Findings show that under the leadership of the United States and with the support of India and Pakistan, the game has been formed in the region, the outcome of which is to create a gap between Iran and China in order not to develop transit routes on both sides in Chabahar port. To that end, the United States became a major player in two regional alliances in South and West Asia. On the one hand, with the US green light, Pakistan was allowed to accompany China in the corridor. On the other hand, in order to ensure Iran's unwillingness for China to be present at the Chabahar port, in 2016 India, as a strategic partner of the United States, entered into the India-Iran-Afghanistan trilateral agreement to develop the Chabahar port. In order to continue this strategy, after the imposition of unilateral US sanctions against Iran, Indian investments in the port of Chabahar were exempted from this embargo. Thus, with the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran turning to China's regional rival for the development of Chabahar port in 2016, as well as China's $ 62 billion investment in the China-Pakistancorridor, the opportunity for Iran-China cooperation to develop Chabahar port was takenaway from both sides.

Some thinkers have set a low standard for distinguishing the rentier state from other states and have named any government that accounts for 42% or more of its total foreign rental income as the rentier government. Although vulnerability is an integral part of all political systems, it seems that this vulnerability is far greater in the case of rentier governments. In other words, rentier governments are economically single-product and far from structurally diverse due to their heavy dependence on oil revenues. This characteristic shows their one-dimensional nature. Second, their economy, in addition to product shortages, has always faced financial crises which have been affected by falling oil prices. Is. Finally, the abundance of resources and the ease of access to these revenues have led to the reluctance of government officials to the productive sectors, including industry and agriculture. This study seeks to investigate the economic and political pathology of the rentier state's Qatbar San. Qatar's economic status is highly dependent on oil revenues and all economic aspects, including funding and other economic areas, are provided by oil revenues. However, for the diversity of its single-product economic structure. It has made efforts and engaged in activities in the fields of trade, shipping, banking and investment in the fields of energy, including oil and gas, but still plays a significant role in the oil and gas sector in the Qatari economy. Qatar's rentier economy became dependent on oil revenues and addiction after the discovery of oil, effectively causing financial crises such as

Since September 2015 and the Russian military intervention in the country, the interests in Syria have been numerous and of great importance for the actors involved in this conflict. Russia, like the Allies and opponents of the Bashar Al-Assad regime, is fighting for geopolitical, geo-economic, or ideological reasons. The Middle East region finds itself shaken by the sharp resurgence of a confrontation between actors allied to the United States, other allies of Russia, and this Syrian crisis thus impacts the geopolitical configuration of the region. This paper presents an analysis of the Russian intervention strategy in Syria. The question is, why did Russia intervene in the Syrian civil war? The hypothesis is that Russia intervened in Syria to strengthen the already existing Russian-Syrian alliance, curb extremist proliferation, and take advantage of Syria's strategic position. The objective is to determine the reasons for the Russian military intervention in Syria related to energy and geo-economic interests. The Russian intervention in Syria was an ideal opportunity to draw closer to several powerful states in the region and a way to benefit from positive spin-offs on its arms market and hydrocarbon road plans. Despite the risks and costs associated with defending the Syrian regime, Moscow has secured its political and economic power in the Middle East. This research is based on a qualitative research method using data collection and analysis tools.

the tendency towards regionalism has made the strategic Eurasian strategic position as a security position one of the most important regions. , The special strategic and economic that it has achieved is increasingly in the focus of attention of Russia, the United States and other regional and global powers. In recent years, Moscow, which seeks to revive its superpower, has relied on historical mentality, a doctrine outside, a neo - Eurasian approach, and a geopolitical discourse of beneficiaries in foreign policy to move its security strategy from a global to a strategic approach. It has become a region with a broad approach, thereby adopting a balanced strategy as its model of behavior to counter Washington's one-sidedness. Using the most advanced theoretical components in equilibrium theory, as well as the use of qualitative research methods and instrumental study tools, the present paper seeks to answer the question of what measures Russia can take within the framework of equilibrium strategy to counter strategic measures in the United States. Central Eurasia? The hypothesis that this question can be posed is that the Kremlin authorities, through the production of semantic systems, have tried to interpret the list of friends / enemies as a material interpretation and a continuous revision of the list of enemies to challenge Washington as a challenging activist. , Take geopolitical billing and strategic weight loss in the form of military, economic, as well as political and security strategies (Ukraine crisis).