مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال سیزدهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 69، بهار 1401)

This article seeks to examine the transition to democracy in China after the successful economic reforms of the 1980s in China. Many theorists of modernization in favor of economic preconditions in transition to democracy believed that economic development can be a precondition for democratization, but in China, despite economic and social success, the transition to democracy has not taken place according to their model. What factors have led to the non-realization of the theory of modernization in the transition to democracy with economic preconditions should be sought in the position of the state and society. The research method of this article is a case study examining the position and role of traditional and Leninist institutions in the transition to democracy in China with regard to the provision of economic and social preconditions for the transition to democracy in China. The research findings show that despite some advances in democratization, such as local elections by the people after the 1980s reforms, the traditional institutional heritage of ancient China (Confucian culture) based on hierarchical order, meritocracy and harmonious society, post-Maoist Leninist institutionalization based on the monopoly of power in the Communist Party and the need for economic development , Public welfare and political stability as the people's priority has weakened society in relation to the authoritarian state in China and the possibility of a transition to democracy in China from below despite changing economic and social structures.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a symbol of regional integration in post-Cold War Eurasian landmass. The developments of SCO demonstrates the importance of power politics and relative gains in forming to the patterns in which members of the organization behave. However, after nearly two decades, Iran's efforts to become a permanent member of the SCO have paid off. The formal process of Iran's accession has begun and this country will become a permanent member of the organization soon. Now, the question is what range of security and economic consequences will Iran's permanent membership in the SCO have? This article seeks to provide an answer to this question by using the conceptual framework of realism in the analysis of international regimes and referring to the documents that countries needs to sign for permanent membership in SCO. The findings of the paper show that power relations are the focal variable in creating the Shanghai security and economic regime and relative gains have played a key role in shaping the behavioral model of the members of the organization. Affected by this pattern of behavior, the institutionalization of this organization has been weak. Therefore, Iran's permanent membership in the SCO creates binding commitments for the country only in the field of counter-terrorism. In other areas of security and economics, cooperation is not binding and is a function of consensus among members.

The global environmental crisis in the form of global warming, deforestation and increased production of industrial pollutants in the last three decades has been at the forefront of multilateral summits of developing and developing powers. Many analysts and politicians believe that one-and-a-half degree decrease in global temperature will help the preservation of the global climate diversity. Coordinated action within the framework of accepting multilateral commitments in the form of undertaking a share in reducing environmental pollutants has been the most critical solution introduced by the world powers at the 1997 Kyoto, 2015 Paris and 2021 Glasgow summits. Due to the increase in the average temperature of the Earth and the relative failure of the previous commitments of industrial powers in distancing themselves from the emission of chemical pollutants, the present essay raises the following question that what reasons contributed to the non-fulfillment of environmental obligations by the developed and developing powers? In response to this question, this hypothesis can be presented that the most prominent reasons for non-implementation of multilateral environmental agreements are the perceptual gap in the scientific and political fields, the weakness in the implementation of national environmental programs, and finally the obstruction and monopoly of financial and technological resources. It also should be noted that the current essay uses the descriptive-analytical research method; a method in which independent influential variables are examined and how their influence is explained.

Muslim Brotherhood is one of the oldest Sunni Islamic organizations in the Arab world and somehow is the root of all Islamic movements in the Sunni world. After 2011 revolution the Brotherhood took the government for a while. Studying this period, in terms of how the Brotherhood's theories are applied in motto and practice is important. The main question of the article is whether Morsi's government was in accordance with the principles of the Brotherhood. The method of this research is is a combination of historical, comparative and qualitative discourse analysis, and will compare between the political thought of the Brotherhood and Morsi's government. First this article reviews theoretical framework and principles of the Brotherhood's and examines Egyptian society's opinion about the Islamic government. In the next part this article discusses how Morsi's government interacts with different groups and explain Brotherhood current situation then enumerates the theoretical and practical differences and similarities between Morsi's government and the Brotherhood's thought and in the last part this article answers its main question that Morsi's government was in line to reach goals of the Brotherhood, but in its methods it tried to present a different face to the society. Therefore they were looking for an Islamic government But the government's situation and the deep state pressure made it impossible for them to implement the Brotherhood model in practice.

The subject-matter on the political stability and instability is of a paramount issue in the political science by which it could be effect on the (dis)consolidation of the political power. It was the matter that the political system faced very often, rather it did follow a new pattern by getting growing the modern civilizational establishments in throughout the world in recent centuries. The social equilibrium was the quintessential theory that promoted the related issues in sequence. Once a social equilibrium falls into decline, the whole political system as a result of the social one gets a tangle into the political instability and the political changes constantly till to reshape a new one. Based on the framework, it tried to show that what is the conceptual pattern of the political stability and instability occurrence in (dis)consolidating the political systems. The conceptual pattern is related to what is the cause of the political (in)stability, to what extent the political pressure from the abroad would be effect on the system functioning and what is the response of the political system to it by peaceful mechanism or restoring the force that could being lead to the stable or volatile situations. By the conceptual pattern, not only does it make a better framework to understand the subject-matter, does it a proper set to survey empirically on it.

In the continuation of his intellectual project, which was inspired by Martin Heidegger, Henry Corbin paid attention to the wisdom and philosophy of Islam, especially Shiism in Iran, and in this direction, in addition to pursuing his ontological concerns, in reviving and introducing Sources, as well as their interpretation, took a lot of effort. Corbin’s focus on the secret aspects and the esoteric interpretation of the above-mentioned teachings, especially in the realm of illumination, led to the prominence of certain spiritual aspects, including the World of Idea and Metahistory. At the same time, by rejecting any affiliation of these teachings with social and political affairs, Corbin takes a practically even negative position on politics. His focus is not only on non-political aspects, but on several occasions he ignores the inevitable political solidarity in this tradition of thought that has emerged in history and therefore politics in his system is a subordinate, sub-marginal situation. He does not recognize the need for a connection between political success and the flourishing of spiritual themes and concepts. In fact, despite his attention to the phenomenological approach, Corbin avoids considering some of the Iranian and Shiite teachings as they have emerged in social and political affairs.

The formation of the concept of common good in the Constitutional period is the concern of this article. How do the elites interpret this concept according to the context? What are the consequences and requirements of these interpretations?  In the pre-constitutional period, the common conception is the good of the Islamic monarchy and theoretically, the tradition of political theology support the good of the Islamic monarchy. According to the hermeneutic methodology of Quentin Skinner, Iran's defeat of Russia, Iranians' acquaintance with the new world, and the granting of concessions to foreigners pave the way for a change in understanding of good. According to the elites of the Constitutional period, the good of the monarchy and an interpretation of religion that proposed the good of the Shari'a ,in practice have preferred the private good to the public good. Criticism of the good of the monarchy and interpretation of the scholars of this period from the good of Sharia led to the formation of a new conception of good, the center of a new understanding is the "good of the nation”. Accordingly, the Constitutional Movement is a protest against the preference of the good of the monarchy and the traditional interpretation of the good of the Shari'a. The conflict between these three interpretations of good was reflected in the constitution.

Constitutionalism has been accompanied with bounding the kingship system power by law; it is not important this manner has been happen in England or in Iran, but it is important that despotic authoritarian discourse do support from kingship and be legitimize it. Now, constitutionalism, by a rendering democratic interpretation from religion, has effort, until articulate a new discourse that meantime legitimize political system, respect on rights of individual in society. This article, by studying this issue in Locke and Naini political thought, has concluded that albeit both of them ground his thought basis on religion, but has theorized differently on process of sovereignty surrendering to people and on result. Like, Locke in the process of sovereignty surrendering to people passaged on human rationality and drew a temporal and free from church intervention. But, Naini by basing the politics on religion, has study society and government under the religion alike. And this mean that Locke do not certainly be bounded on religion on society and political arena, and Naini certainly be bound on religion in both case.

The truth and nature of the relationship between religion and political power is one of the important issues regarding the system of political thought and action of the Sassanid period. This research is a preliminary attempt to more accurately evaluate the complex and multifaceted relationship between politics and religion in the political thought of Sassanid Iran with a comparative analysis of the relationship between religion and politics in the book of Ardashir and Machiavelli's views. In this article, with a comparative method and also using Skinner's method in understanding the internal logic of texts, we have studied the treatise of Ahd-e-Ardashir  focusing on its religious-political ideas in accordance with Machiavelli's views on The prince and Discourses. Our study shows that if we measure the "political functions of religion", "the necessity of rearranging religion" and "the precedence of expediency over morality" in Machiavelli's view of the relationship between religion and politics, Ardashir's covenant includes all these elements in the view of religion in politics. And therefore this work can be considered as a theoretical plan of how and the minutes of the relationship between religion and politics. Ardeshir had thought in practice and opinion from the very beginning of unifying the Iranians using the tools of religion and its details, but due to the lack of intellectual and historical background, he could not be a theorist of the transition like Machiavelli.

The main topic in the social construction of childhood is the category of control and discipline. The school - along with other child control institutions - shapes the child's order, understanding and learning, maturity and development, skills and control, and the regulation of the child's imagination and mind through its designs and settings. The present article intends to reflect narratives of Iranian cinema in which Iranian children have been exposed to specific methods of control as a basic micropolitical tool of power and how these methods have evolved. The hypothesis of the article is that according to the cinematic narratives of the changes of discipline and power in school, the micropolitics of power in this institution has gone through three stages of resistance against discipline, legitimization of discipline and finally Dominance of discipline. In this study, using the genealogical method of Foucault and descriptive-analytical method, the reflection of Iranian children in school in three selected films from the decades after the Islamic Revolution, has been examined from the micropolitical perspective of power.