فصلنامه مطالعات راهبردی
سال بیست و پنجم شماره 2 (پیاپی 96، تابستان 1401)

The question is basically how to conceptualize security policy making based on "people's happiness"? It seems that we can answer this question by critically rethinking the theoretical foundations of security policy according to global conditions, changes in the values ​​and political norms, changes in the nature of national threats and also changes in the nature of the "needs" and "wants" of the people in the era. In this article, which is done based on a descriptive-explanatory method and on a fundamental-theoretical research, the research using critical social-philosophical concepts, critical theory of international relations, critical theory of security, security and happiness plan, a conceptual regulation attempts to determine the requirements of the security determination policy in today's conditions.

Family in Iranian society, as the most important social unit, has an unbreakable link with cultural security and the continuity of desirable characteristics of Iranian-Islamic identity. This function has undergone changes in recent years, so that it seems that in the coming years, the undisputed role of Family in strengthening the cultural security of the society will be challenged. The question of this article is what factors have challenged the functional relationships of the family and cultural security and reduced the influence of the family institution on strengthening the cultural security in the society. In response to this question, the present article deals with the functional relationship of Family on the category of cultural security and examines the challenges in this regard. Manifestations of new and different lifestyles from the traditional framework, the capacity of social networks in giving identity and the contradiction of socialization in the family with formal socialization patterns are among the most important challenges in weakening the functional relationships of Family and cultural security.

Examining the documents of education system shows that institutionalizing of national interests is one of the goals set for this system. This research is an applied research from the objective perspective, which was conducted using descriptive and content analysis method. The statistical population of the research included the textbooks of the first year of high school, which were examined and analyzed using purposeful sampling of five titles and fourteen book volumes, including Social Studies, Culture and Art, Lifestyle, Farsi, and Theology in the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades. The findings of the research indicate that among the five main dimensions of national interests in all the selected books, Ideological Interests with 49.4%, Political and Social Interests with 32.5%, Welfare and Economic Interests with 9.6% and Defense and Security interests with 8.2% are prioritized. Also, the least attention related to interests was directed to the international system with 0.3%.

Politicized intelligence refers to intelligence products and analyzes that, instead of being realistic, are changed in order to support the options and results desired by policymakers or to please them. The politicization of intelligence represents the efforts of policymakers to shape intelligence in line with their political priorities. The research questions are; What are the differences between the formation of "politicized intelligence" and "politicization of intelligence" and what are the consequences of the politicization of intelligence for intelligence and political institutions? In response, interpretative research (fishing tool) and descriptive survey (questionnaire tool) methods were used respectively. Thematic analysis and Bartlett's tests and confirmatory factor analysis were used to analyze the data. The findings of the research show that "politicized intelligence" and "politicization of intelligence" are essentially different from each other in terms of formation through twelve fields. The outcome of both the problems of "politicized intelligence" and "politicization of intelligence" is similar and in fact, the ultimate influence of intelligence on politics is the distance of the intelligence organization from its professional identity and behavior and the inefficiency of the political system.

The purpose of this article is to examine the topics connected with the modern concepts of security in Plato's political philosophy. The opinions of the great philosophers of history, despite their lateness and context, since they are viewed from the perspective of today's security concepts, they provide criteria based on which modern security schools can be established. In this regard, the upcoming article raises the fundamental question of what kind of approach to the concept of security can be deduced from Plato's political thought. In the light of answering this question, the reference, issue and means of security are identified in Plato's thought. Using the hermeneutic method, this study shows that the security approach derived from Plato's political thought is an approach based on the philosophy of liberation, based on which security is based on the dominance of soft factors such as establishing divine laws, acquiring human virtues and establishing Justice (all in its Platonic sense) emerges in society.

The present article seeks to answer the question of what effect Iranian clerics living in Iraq had on the developments of the first Pahlavi period and what was their reaction to Reza Shah's government's actions that had important consequences on religion and the position of the clergy in Iran? The main hypothesis is that Iranian clerics and religious authorities living in Iraq could not be the source of influence in the developments during Reza Shah's rule. This was rooted in various issues that have been examined in detail in this article. The research method in this article is based on the method of historical analysis and description. Historical documents and sources, research sources of domestic and foreign authors related to the first Pahlavi period, and journals are some of the sources used in this article.

The aim of the following article is to answer the question why the Shia public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic has focused on forming stable and strategic relations with people's groups in other countries, and how it uses historical, ideological and strategic factors in this regard. The claim of the present research is that these communications are not placed in the framework of sponsor-representative relations, but rather form strategic and bilateral alliances, and in this way, in addition to the theoretical framework, a case study of the non-governmental strategic communications of the Islamic Republic in the three countries of Lebanon , Iraq and Yemen have been discussed. The research method in this article is the causal-comparative method and the method of collecting research data in a library-internet references.

This article analyzes how the two variables of international law and unilateral economic sanctions interact with each other. The question is why despite the expansion of international law during the last century, the tendency of governments to unilaterally use of economic sanctions has increased. The current article proposes the answer that international law focuses on the prohibition of war and has not created strong barriers against the unilateral use of economic sanctions by governments. Theoretical-legal analysis will be used to defend the said claim. Theoretically, the article uses the two theories of liberalism and realism.

The main question of the current research is that in what form of theoretical framework the desired regional and global order of the Islamic Revolution based on religious teachings can be theorized and explained. In response, it is proposed that the "theory of the new revolutionary order" based on the presented intellectual-cognitive and executive-practical indicators, has the capacity and ability to explain and understand this issue, because based on the theories in The field of international relations, both mainstream and critical, can neither fully theorize the foreign policy of the Islamic Revolution nor answer the issues related to this field in the field and practice of relations. Groundwork for the practical application of the revolutionary new order theory with a civilizational approach will not be established except with a broad cross-border and trans-regional look at the geography of resistance based on revolutionary strategic rationality, and one of the strategic examples of revolutionary rationality is "movement diplomacy" which has the capacity to unify and integrate Oppressed Nations and independent states on the axis and orbit of resistance.