مجله جامعه شناسی سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 20 (بهار و تابستان 1401)

By assuming Velayat-e-Faqih as a theory of the Islamic Revolution, this article seeks the concept of resistance in Imam Khomeini's political thought to show why and how the two elements of identity and anti-arrogance are the most crucial pillars of resistance in Imam Khomeini's political thought against the sovereignty of the capitalism. Therefore, the main question in this article focuses on the meaning and concept of resistance as a practical solution to the core of capitalism and resulting in its arrogance. Although the theories of the Islamic Revolution have been the most common foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic so far, which indicates the strategy of neither Easy nor West as the ideal and practical policy of the Islamic Republic, this article, while referring to the existing documents and with the hermeneutic method of the text, seeks to discover the nature of domestic politics with a new look, and explore, justify and analyze the two semantic pillars according to the political thought of Imam Khomeini and the Islamic Revolution in the Rule of the Islamic Republic. It also emphasizes the hypothesis that the Imam, as a religious leader, thinker, and political and social reformer to advance his resistance strategy during the Pahlavi era, tried to establish national sovereignty by proposing the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih. He also took steps to advance domestic politics by considering the two concepts of freedom and self-sufficiency based on the two pillars of national identity and anti-arrogance, in the era after the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

Yemen is the most impoverished Arab country in the Middle East, which has been embroiled in civil war, foreign aggression, and economic sanctions, despite the expectations of its people to achieve better conditions in the 2011 social movement. One of the reasons for the importance of the issue of Yemen is its strategic position in the region, as well as the political and ideological discrepancies that have arisen over it among some of the governments in the region. The purpose of this article is to study the causes of the continuation of this crisis for 10 years which made it a daily occurrence. The authors seek to answer this question: what factors have led to the continuation of the crisis in Yemen between 2011 and 2021? The article hypothesis refers to two factors of structure and agent based on the Structuration Theory of Anthony Giddens and examines the interaction between the two in the form of structuration in Yemen. For this purpose, the library method has been used to collect data and the analytical-explanatory method has been used to write the article. The research findings show that the interaction of two categories of structural factors (Yemeni internal structures, regional and international and geopolitical power balance) and agents (Yemeni bankrupt government, regional actors, non-governmental actors, and the United Nations) has caused this crisis to be continued; Thus, the multiplicity of variables and the complexity of the internal situation in Yemen and the Middle East environment prevent to imagine a bright future for an early end to the crisis.

The spread of extremism and religious violence in the Middle East has made peaceful coexistence between followers of religions in parts of the region impossible. Religious violence is a highly dangerous phenomenon that in addition to imposing human costs, also inflicts a lot of financial costs on the world. Islamic violence and terrorism are the product of certain Salafi readings of the theological doctrines of certain Islamic sects, formulated by radical Sunni clerics in the past and revived in the contemporary era. The formulation of these readings is such that it empties them of thought and turns them into ideology and provides the ground for totalitarianism and violence. Due to the lack or scarcity of research on the relationship between totalitarianism and religious violence in the Salafi movements, this article is an attempt to fill the gap in this area. Therefore, the present study focuses solely on the mechanism of the synergy of totalitarianism and religious violence in these movements. This paper uses the theoretical framework of Mario Diani and Cohen to explain Salafi social movements, as well as Hannah Arendt's theory of the roots of totalitarianism to explain the synergistic mechanism of totalitarianism and religious violence. Research data were analyzed by documentary analysis. The findings show that religious totalitarianism and violence reinforce and reproduce each other by relying on the mobilization of mass support behind an ideology that prescribes radical social change. The ideological totalitarianism of religious/social movements in the Middle East provides the basis for "alienation or" hostility "and thus legitimizes violence, and provides the basis for the mutual strengthening and reproduction of totalitarianism and religious violence.

In July 2013, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi ousted then-President of Egypt Mohamed Morsi and was able to seize power in a military coup. He blamed the media for the Hosni Mubarak's fall and, accordingly, decided to establish a new model of the relationship between the Egyptian government and the structure of the Egyptian media.  The main question of this research is: what is the pattern of relations between the media and the Egyptian government headed by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi? The findings show that the Egyptian media was closely monitored during the presidency of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and a new pattern emerged in the relationship between the media and the political system in Egypt. Although the new pattern was supported by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, eventually it negatively affected all the Egyptian media and collapsed due to inefficiency. This study aims to identify the pattern governing the relationship between the media and the Egyptian government in the six years from 2013 to 2019. To achieve this goal, using the method of document analysis, which is based on a purposeful and systematic study of sources and focuses on descriptive and interpretive search, the relationship between the media and the political system headed by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has been examined.

The government in Egypt appeared fragile during the two periods of the 2011 revolution and the post-revolutionary period, but it survived with a military coup. In 2011, the government condition became incredibly complicated in a short time. This great experience was not instructive for the religious revolutionaries, and like a hasty government, they were soon overthrown by popular protests and military coups. Contrary to expectations, the military was able to form a stable government. Inspired by the descriptive method and the combination of two institutionalism and cultural theories, this study tries to address the important question of why the government appeared fragile in the era of Mubarak and Morsi, but stable in the era of the military? The results show that the experience of economic modernization and liberalization led to the emergence and development of social and political forces. The government, on the other hand, continued to emphasize the traditional discourse of power. This deprived the government of gaining hegemony in the context of civil society and creating institutions for community participation. The inefficiency of the government in the economic field, the lack of cultural hegemony and civil institutions, and repressive attitudes led to the emergence and formation of a pragmatic society. The state in this society became rootless and quickly appeared fragile against the mass movement. The Akhavan's government also failed to eliminate the institutions of power of the previous regime and create new ones, while by imitating Mubarak's policy, it monopolized power so that it could lose the conflict in the street arena and easily collapse. The military took advantage of these opportunities to emerge as a national-historical institution,  satisfy the dominant political forces, and to form a new authority in the form of an "efficient government.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with its conservative, traditional, patrimonial, and Wahhabi ideological political system, serves as the Umm al-Qura (the core nation of the Islamic world) of the Islamic world for many Sunni countries. Meanwhile, the political, ideological, and even security rivalries between the Saudis and Iran have always faced many challenges even before the Islamic Revolution. This issue was Intensified after the Islamic Awakening and the growing concern of the Saudis about the arrival of Arab protest waves in the country. With the presence of Mohammad Bin Salman in the position of the successor, his hostile policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran have publicly declined the two countries into the most political and security tensions; In a way that can be claimed as the culmination of the Cold War between the Saudis against Iran. The present article seeks to provide a convincing and reasoned answer to the question that: What approaches have Mohammad Bin Salman's most important policies been based on toward the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors' hypothesis is based on the intensification of Bin Salman's most confrontational policies against Iran. Findings of the article, using the interpretive method and theory of the Haug Miall crisis, show that the historical sequence of this crisis, in addition to the historical hostilities after the Islamic Revolution, dates back to the time of the conclusion of BARJAM. In the development phase of the crisis, i.e. the Bin Salman's attempt to expand political-security relations with the Zionist regime, in the stage of collision or dream, the authors will point to two main issues: the design of soft conspiracies to overthrow the Islamic Republic and Bin Salman's support for terrorist forces against Iran. Finally, in the intervention phase, we can refer to the mediation activities of the Iraqi Prime Minister.

This article aims to answer the question: can the factor of "external pressures" explain the difference in the success, failure, or continuity of revolutionary situations in Arab countries in 2011? The findings by studying seven Arab countries (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen as revolutionary cases and Algeria, Morocco, and Bahrain as non-revolutionary cases) in a historical-comparative method show that the four countries, before the ruling regime overthrow, have experienced various forms of external pressure. But the other three countries (Algeria, Morocco, and Bahrain) which, despite the many similarities with the revolutionary cases, remained immune from the forced and non-institutional transfer of power, have been spared from external pressures against the ruling regime during popular protests. Moreover, can be said that external pressure in support of the established government or the protesters is an essential and critical factor in determining the difference between failed revolutionary situations (such as what happened in Bahrain) or the continuation of the revolutionary situation in Arab countries.

The research aims to study the rise and fall reasons of the Qajar dynasty, with historical study and the descriptive-analytical method. Its emphasis is on the causes and factors of the decline and fall of this government based on Ibn Khaldoun's theory. Ibn Khaldun's theory has been chosen as a theoretical framework; By mentioning this point that in explaining the rise and fall of contemporary governments, including Qajar, it is necessary to revise this theory and consider new factors in this regard. For this purpose, in addition to evaluating and updating Ibn Khaldun's theoretical indicators such as nervousness, patronage, and types of corruption, attention has been paid to the new factors that are effective in the stability and especially in the fall of governments in the contemporary era, including foreign intervention and new technologies. The findings of the research compiled based on authentic historical documents show that the origin and continuation of Qajar with Ibn Khaldun's theory and its decline and fall with Neo-Khaldun's theory can be studied and explained more accurately, and they are more compatible with the existing facts and historical evidence.

The government, as the most significant political entity, is at the center of political theorizing. Sometimes, by love and ambition, it has been considered the main cause of political developments, and sometimes with anger and hatred, it has been considered one of the main means of injustice and oppression. Considering two ends of this spectrum, it is necessary to linger for the "government" to speak itself through its announcements. In this article, by using the semiotics of archaeological findings, an attempt is made to reread the nature of the government in Islam. The weakness of historiography, the lack of historical evidence, and the lack of theoretical efforts in this field are serious obstacles to research. In this article, by using the re-reading of the first Islamic announcements as a critical method to comprehend the nature of the government, an attempt has been made to answer the question of "What relationship can be established between religious evidence and the government?"Governments use tools to justify their legitimacy and strengthen their ideological foundations, although their reading after a long run cannot provide complete and comprehensive information about what really happened, by focusing on some existing signs, it can come close to revealing the nature of the government. Accordingly, among the multitude of announcements, the semiotics of the coin is emphasized and through it, an effort is made to shed light on the ambiguous and dark aspects of the nature of the government in the history of Islam (in the early, Umayyad, Abbasid, and Safavid eras).

Various views were raised about the causes of the 2011 Tunisian revolution, which some have referred to as the "Arab Spring" or "Islamic Awakening". With the revolution in Tunisia, a wave of revolutions and protests spread to North African countries and other Arab-speaking countries in the Middle East. So that in less than a month, Ben Ali in Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak in Egypt fled the country. The speed of changes in the Islamic world was such that it surprised many analysts in the fields of political science and sociology and made them analyze and investigate the roots and grounds of the revolution in these societies. The topic discussed in this research is the evaluation of the Tunisian revolution based on Samuel Huntington's theory of uneven development. This research, with the descriptive-analytical method and using library resources, seeks to answer these questions: how can the revolution of 2011 in Tunisia be studied and investigated based on the theory of uneven development? What are the differences and commonalities between the causes and agents of the revolution from Huntington's viewpoint, and the Tunisian revolution? The findings show that all three stages of the revolution from Huntington's viewpoint, i.e. economic development, social development, and political blockage (lack of political development), can be applied and evaluated to the Tunisian revolution. The difference between this article and other research is that to evaluate the Tunisian revolution based on the theory of uneven development, reliable domestic and international data and sources have been used.

The society and politics of Iran during the Qajar era were sick and its treatment seemed inevitable; Therefore, many saw the solution in a profound and transformative political and social campaign. Due to such a view, the constitutional revolution commenced, which of course failed. As a result of this failure, a discourse called "archaism" was formed. The most prominent founders of it are Aref Qazvini, Mirzadeh Eshghi, Ebrahim Pordavoud, Moshfeq Kazemi, Kazemzadeh Iranshahr, Sadegh Hedayat, and Mahmoud Afshar. In their intellectual and speech acts, they emphasized the proposition that by converting to the ancient utopia, one can give a new soul to the lifeless body of Iran and the past glory of Iran could be revived. Following the many representations of this speech, archaism led to dominate over other discourses in the Pahlavi era and give a new meaning to the Iranians' lifeworld. Since the framework investigation of the "how" of the emergence of this discourse has not been included in the research agenda; Therefore, the current study tries to answer the question, "How did the discourse of post-constitutional archaism emerge?", by using Spragens' theoretical model and "qualitative content analysis" technique.  The findings show that this discourse is the result of the cognitive efforts of intellectuals and emerges from the heart of multi-layered cognitive processes - such as being aware of Iran's instabilities, recognizing their roots, searching for a utopia, and evaluating and selecting liberating solutions.

This article aims to study the metaphorical analysis of the causes and concept of political struggle from the perspective of the Islamic Republic Party. The questions of the article are, "Firstly, What are the causes of struggle in human society in the discourse of the Republic Party? and secondly, What is the perception and understanding of the concept of struggle in this discourse?". Hypotheses have not been designed and tested to answer these questions. The research is qualitative. By assuming the conceptual metaphor theory of Lakoff and Johnson and the metaphor identification method, an attempt has been made to answer the questions. The authors have concluded that the Islamic Republic Party, with a psychological approach, considers the two internal tendencies of humans, i.e. selfishness and indulgence, to be the cause of the formation of struggle in human society. It is possible to control these inner tendencies that lead to contradiction and conflict with the guidance of external and internal prophets (intellect) and finally achieve an ideal society in which there is no oppression and, as a result, there is no struggle between different groups. Understanding the struggle from the party's perspective is done using perceptions that are rooted in everyday religious experiences and in this understanding, primary conceptual areas such as war, jihad, duty and responsibility, virtue and perfection, tools and means play a pivotal role.