نشریه سیاست و روابط بین الملل
پیاپی 10 (پاییز و زمستان 1400)

Modeling the future of the preventive war on terror doctrine based on bush September 11 policyAbstract:Terrorism is a phenomenon that our contemporary world is facing in a complex way, and despite extensive efforts to combat it, it will not be possible to eliminate or seriously control it in the near future. In the aftermath of 9/11, bush’s team and the conservatives ruling the White house devised a strategy based on a pre-emptive war on terrorism and this policy has continued in the first two decades of the serious century in the white house. In this article, using the descriptive-analytical method and the activities of the professor’s book and related news. We examine the history of component law and its rules, the evolution of international criminal law, new terrorism, and finally the modeling of this counterterrorism approach. (to enmity, the wests specific view of Islam, unilateralism, dual standards, and the struggle to develop American hegemony) and its effects and results (failure to pay attention to the root of terrorism, the denial of criminal responsibility of American citizens, the occurrence of catastrophes, and collective responsibility, the increase of political and social restrictions and government violence and the resulting disproportion between crime and punishment), will be doomed to failure in any case.

A Study on change and continuity Factors in US political-security strategy in the Middle East(2001-2021)The Middle East has always been one of the most important strategic regions in world politics in the twentieth century due to its geopolitical position and geo-economics characteristics. In fact, the Middle East after more than six centuries, in the twentieth century, again become heartland of international relations. This article seeks to examine the factors influencing the importance of the Middle East in the grand strategy of the United States, to address the main question: what are the most important factors affecting change and continuity of US political-security strategy in the Middle East after 9/11? The hypothesis of this descriptive-analytical study is based on the extent of US dependence on regional energy, the arms trade, the role of lobbies, the policy of producing security and insecurity in the Middle East as a trans-regional hegemony, and the emergence of new governmental and non-governmental actors that challenge US hegemony, and in particular its efforts to contain China and pivot to Asia policy are the most important factors affecting change and continuity in US political-security strategy in the Middle East over the past two decades.

China is one of the most important emerging powers that has brought the international order into a period of systemic change, i.e. polarity change. In this way, during the last years, China has followed an active role in multilateral international institutions; Because international institutions, as a constituent part of the international order, are very important for changing the international order. One of the mysteries of the institutional behavior of this country has been its different strategies in order to benefit from different institutions.In this article, the author has tried to explain China's strategic attitude and behavior towards various international institutions. The main question in front of the article is what strategies China has used in different institutions to challenge the international order led by the United States? The findings of the research show that China, as one of the dissatisfied powers of some elements of the order, has relied on multilateral institutions and "inclusive" and "exclusive" institutional balancing strategies to challenge the international structural order. The research method of the article is also a historical method with a descriptive-analytical approach. Collecting the data and information required for the research has also been done by reading documents –libraries in which are used books, articles, documents and internet resources.

There were signs of expanding Iran-Ukraine relations and, consequently, cooperation between the two countries; But on the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran has wider relations with Russia. Thus, despite this war (2022), expansion and interaction with Ukraine could affect Iran-Russia relations. Therefore, the present study, assuming the expansion and desire to improve bilateral relations between Iran and Ukraine, as well as Russia's sensitivities in this regard, seeks to answer these two questions: " What effect does the expansion of Iran-Ukraine relations have on Iran's relations with Russia? " And " What is Ukraine's goal in expanding ties with Iran ? " Are. The method of answering these questions is descriptive-analytical. Findings show that Iran should try to make the most of the opportunity close to the EU and create opportunities in the field of energy security, including the transfer of gas to Europe, while relying on the existing socio-political realities in Ukraine. It must adjust to Ukraine in such a way that it does not become embroiled in tensions between the parties involved in the region outside the " near outside " of Russia. Because the continuation of relations with Russia is a " privileg" against the West.

Iran’s nuclear program has been a central security concern for Israel over the past two decades. In reaction to this threat, Israel has conducted a multifaceted drive to block it, one of which is planning and enforcement a complex psychological warfare to block it from summer 2002(disclosing the program) to July 2015(signing JCPOA). This article seeks to understand the complex psychological warfare in the past three decades by using the process research method and offers recommendations for confronting it. The basic question is, what are the special features of Israel's psychological war against Iran's nuclear program? The main hypothesis is that Israel's psychological war is designed to impress the authorities of Tehran and Washington by making the scenario of a military attack against Iran's nuclear facilities look serious. The first motif was provoking anxiety about threat of Iranian nuclear project; the second emphasized the other threats that the Iranian regime poses, chief among them its aggressive policy, which includes involvement in terrorism and extensive activity to develop long range missiles; the third was the threat of Israel military attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities during 2010-2012; and the fourth from 2013 onwards, dealt with the negotiations between the world powers and Iran which had founded the ground for withdrawing Trump from JCPOA in 2018. Part two concentered on assessment of Israel challenges in psychological warfare against Iran’s Nuclear Program, especially under the experience of nuclear negotiations and after the signing JCPOA. In the end, some proper countermeasures would be offered.

Environmental geopolitics based on the study of ecological changes, security policies of the industrialized world, the geography of environmental threats, the effects of the global system on environmental degradation and environmental refugees in the form of political discourses can affect the national security of actors at national, regional and regional levels. Transnationally influential. In this context, the Caspian region is affected by environmental issues such as pollution, aquatic death and infectious diseases due to special geographical and human conditions. Therefore, Iran as a coastal state can be overshadowed by such dangers. The basis of the current research is based on the question of what are the consequences of the environmental geopolitics of the Caspian Sea for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In expressing the research hypothesis, it seems that the environmental geopolitics of the Caspian Sea is based on the elements of a deterrent legal regime, lake confinement, oil and non-oil pollution, weak participation of coastal countries in transferring the Secretariat of the Tehran Environment Convention in Geneva to the Caspian region. The national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is challenged. This article uses descriptive-analytical method and collection of information in library style and statistics to analyze the proposed idea. The results showed that the environmental geopolitics of the Caspian Sea and its associated characteristics have some security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran such as potential and actual threats from the Caspian coast, dust, climate change, sedimentation, earthquakes and water level fluctuations.

balance of power in Europe began with coagulation of Peace of Westphalia Contract in 1648. With the formation of the balance of power, competition between European countries intensified to penetrate other regions of the world. From Fath Ali Shah Qajar era, that, Iran established Regular relations diplomatic with European countries, was impressed of International political processes and fight of major world powers. Since then Iran's foreign policy was particularly influenced by competition between the two countries, Russia and the England. By following this process during the First Pahlavi period, Reza Shah tried to reduce of volume of intervention of the two countries to internal affairs with open the "third force" in Iran. The development and deepening of relations with Germany was done for this purpose. In order to examine the present issue, the question arises as to What effect has the balance of power in Europe had on Reza Shah's foreign policy? It is further hypothesized that Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Reza Shah was practically a function of the policy of power and balance of power between European countries. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of these developments on Iran's foreign policy in the era of Reza Shah by descriptive-analytical method and by providing explanations related to the balance of power and European developments.

Foreign policy can be defined as a strategy or program of activities carried out by a country's decision-makers against other countries or international institutions to achieve the so-called national interests of that country. Iran's foreign policy during the years 1392-1384 can be called one of the most challenging periods in Iran's international relations. So that the dominance of the principled justice-oriented discourse had obvious practical and behavioral consequences, to the extent that Iran's foreign policy became aggressive and reached the border of confrontation with the United States and the West; The confrontation that was quite evident in Iran's nuclear case. So far, many researches have been done to analyze Iran's foreign policy in this period, which has been more realistic and later constructivist and critical. The purpose of this study is to analyze the most important factor influencing the orientation and consequences of Iran's foreign policy as a main issue from a different perspective, ie from the perspective of decision theory. In this regard, this article uses analytical and descriptive methods based on the assumption that the personality and intellectual and perceptual characteristics of the decision maker has been the most important factor influencing the decision-making process and the results of foreign policy decision. In other words, the directions and consequences of the foreign policy of the ninth and tenth governments are more related to the personality and perception of the main decision-makers of that government than any other factor.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of regional powers in the Middle East, including Turkey and Iraq, according to the structures of power distribution at the regional level, in the establishment and ultimately fall of the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad in 1946. Numerous studies have been conducted on Kurdish movements in the Middle East and, of course, the Kurdish movement in Iran, but the significant point in this study is to examine the role of regional countries such as Turkey and Iraq during the rise and fall of the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad in 1946; which from this perspective has been largely overlooked in political studies. Therefore, the focus of this article is on the study of the role of these two countries in the process of the rise and fall of the Republic of Kurdistan, considering the available sources and documents, libraries, electronic resources and archives with an analytical-descriptive approach. According to governmental and non-governmental documents, sources and archives, the role of regional countries, including Turkey and to some extent Iraq, in the fall of the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad should not be ignored and reduced to the key role of international powers such as Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. In other words, these two regional powers, especially Turkey, as facilitating forces, played a pivotal role in changing the attitude of international powers towards the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad.

By implementing the Gap dam project on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, Turkey has the exclusive right to use it and controls the water flowing to the downstream countries. This factor has the dissatisfaction of these countries and has created problems, especially in terms of security, for the neighboring countries. Considering the effects of the GAP project exploitation on the downstream countries, the article raises the question, what political and security goals does Turkey pursue in the construction of GAP project dams? And what effect will the construction of these dams have on Iran's security? With a research approach and using the Copenhagen school, the article has taken into account the assumptions that the GAP project has changed its nature over several decades according to the declared policies of Turkey and has turned from a technical and development tool into a security issue. By exploiting this dam, Turkey is pursuing hegemonic goals, taking control of the Kurds in the region, and also seeking to exchange oil and water in the region. Also, the effects of this project on Iran can be mentioned as jeopardizing identity security, environmental hazards, soil salinity, and food and agricultural security, which are discussed in the article.

Donald Trump's aggressive policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran created the most tensions and challenges between the two countries. This article aims to explain the nature of Trump's aggressive approach towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and analyze its security and military consequences. The author tries to provide a reasoned answer to the question: why did Trump adopt aggressive policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran? The paper hypothesizes that the lack of hegemony desired by neoconservatives in the West Asian region (Middle East) has been the most crucial reason for such policies. The article is descriptive, using the theory of realist hegemony and written and virtual sources and analytical methods. The research findings show that Donald Trump's aggressive policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran have created the most tensions and challenges between the two countries. Restoring US domination in the form of rejecting Obama's theory, , Rupture of convergence among the Shiite resistance front, security of the Zionist regime, development of militarism in the region With the focus on intensifying the confrontation between Wahhabi and Shiite ideologies, it all reveals the nature of Trump's aggressive approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Consequently, the lack of hegemony desired by neoconservatives in the West Asian region is the most important reason for such a policy.

The Central Asian region has a geostrategic position that has become a competitive place between the United States and China since the collapse of the Soviet Union, especially after the US presence in the region. By Using descriptive-analytical research method and data collection through library studies, the article tries to answer the question of what are the implications of Sino-U.S. rivalry in Central Asia for the peace process in Afghanistan (2001-2020). The paper examines the issue of research in the conceptual framework of the competition of great powers. To answer this question, the implications are categorized and analyzed based on economic, security, political, and cultural spheres. The findings of the article show that despite the fact that in some sub-branches of economic and security fields, there are common interests between the United States and China, the conflicts of interest between the two countries are more intense in all spheres. The study shows that although the common interests of the two countries have had positive consequences, such as weakening Central Asian terrorist groups that are active in Afghanistan, weakening al-Qaeda, weakening ISIS, internalizing Taliban ideology, and strengthening the international community among Taliban decision-makers, Widespread conflicts of interest between China and the United States in the Central Asian region have complicated the peace process in Afghanistan.