مجله زبان شناسی گویش های ایرانی
سال هفتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 10، بهار و تابستان 1401)

Information structure (IS) investigates the relationship between linguistic forms and mental referents of different utterances. Information structure, on one hand, is concerned with formal aspects of language and, on the other hand, it deals with functional aspects of language. This rather abstract approach, however, has received less attention comparing with tangible aspects of grammar such as morphology and syntax. Furthermore, those dealing with information structure were not consistent in terms of methodology and terminology that they employed. Accordingly, Prague School scholars employed “Functional Sentence Perspective” to refer to information structure. In the same vein, Halliday (2004) called it “Thematic Structure”; Chafe (1976) employed “Information Packaging”; and Vallduvi (1994) referred to this component of grammar as “Informatics”. Another issue to be dealt with in this study is “argument dislocation”. It is intended to investigate the effect of information structure on argument dislocation in Southern Kurdish. A dislocated structure is composed of two parts: detached part and propositional part. In propositional part, there is a pronoun which is co-referent with the dislocated noun phrase. Information structure may be among the key reasons why noun phrases are dislocated and appear as detached NPs in the left and right of sentences. In other words, for any NP, being topical or focal may alter the argument structure of any given clause. Lambrecht (1994: 188) used the term “topic” to refer to the dislocated NPs in the left side of the clause. He also referred to detached NPs in the right side of the clause as “anti- topic”.  

As stated above, the present study is intended to gauge the role of information structure (IS) in the formation of dislocated sentences in southern Kurdish (Kalhori) in Iran. Accordingly, the topical and focal arguments were identified and the possibility of dislocation of these arguments was, also, assessed. Information structure is among the main factors which can affect the syntax of sentences. The present study is theoretically based on the framework presented by Lambrecht (1994, 2001). Methodologically, it is a descriptive- analytic study in which linguistic intuition, observation, targeted interviews and consulting with authentic library sources were employed tools to collect the data. Moreover, the researchers of this study are both native speakers of southern Kurdish (Kalhori) which was an advantage in their judgments and decisions. In some cases, to ensure to make a right decision, a given structure was presented to many native speakers. The data were gathered from southern Kurdish (Kalhori dialect) spoken by people in the city of Eivan in the west of Iran. Kalhori Kurdish is mainly spoken in some parts of Ilam and Kermanshah Provinces in cities such as Kermanshah, Eivan, Gilan-e-Gharb, and Eslam Abad Gharb.

Information structure or information distribution across different sentences may result in syntactic variations and formation of various linguistic forms. All language components including, morphology, syntax, prosody and lexicon can be affected by information distribution. In the present study, an attempt was made to shed light on the role of information structure in the formation of so-called dislocated structures based on data from southern Kurdish in the west of Iran. The results indicated the topical subjects and objects (as the main arguments) are appropriate candidates to undergo left/ right dislocation, while their empty place (in argument structure of the clause) is filled with resumptive pronouns (pro and object enclitics). In contrast, focal arguments (left/right) dislocation would result in an infelicitous discourse. In other words, the detached NP in so-called dislocated structures must have degrees of identifiability to be placed at the beginning of the sentence as a possible topic. Overall, based on the results, two syntactic patterns are possible in southern Kurdish. First, in the presence of focal arguments, an inflexible sequence of (S O V) will be the only syntactic pattern in southern Kurdish. Second, if the arguments are topical, then a more flexible word order and a lot of syntactic dislocations are more probable. The Separation of Role and Reference Principle (SRRP) was proposed by Lambrecht (1994: 184) to refer to so-called dislocated structures. This principle is rooted in a pragmatic rule which states that if you introduce a new referent in a clause, do not talk about it in the same clause (lambrecht, 1994: 185). For our interlocutor, it is easier to process a clause whose new referent is located outside of the clause as a detached NP, because identifying the topic (detached NP) and interpretation of the related proposition take place independently. On the other hand, in terms of articulation, producing such a structure in which a new and non-identifiable topic is introduced independently from its related clause would be easier for the speaker.

In dislocated structures, detached NPs are “reference- based” due to their semantic content, while the resumtive pronouns which fill the empty position of detached NPs in the argument structure of the clause are “function-based” (Lambrecht, 1994: 187). Unlike left dislocation (LD) which places topical elements in the beginning of the clause (pre-posing), right dislocation (RD) or anti-topic post-poses the topical elements at the end of the clause. Like LD, this process enables the language users to follow “the Separation of Role and Reference Principle” (SRRP) in the appropriate communicative situations. The obtained results based on southern Kurdish proved that the detached NP in RD (unlike RD) would not be new topic or is not indicative of topic discontinuity. The findings of this study proved, also, that the detached NP in LD and RD would be different in terms of their relative identifiability. It was found that the detached NP in RD is more identifiable comparing with the detached NP in LD, while LD is mainly used to introduce possible topics which have not been established as topic in that given context.

Iranian and Turkic-speaking peoples have been in contact with each other since a long time ago. Undoubtedly, this contact has had linguistic effects too, the most visible of which is the lexical borrowings of Persian and Turkish ​​from each other. Throughout the history of Iran, the entrance of words from some languages ​​into the Persian language has been widespread. For example, Arabs rule over Iran paved the way for the introduction of many Arabic words into the Persian language, especially in religious and scientific fields. In the recent two centuries, many words from European languages, namely French and English, have entered the Persian. In this research, through examining text of a books from the Safavid period, “Dasture-e Shahriaran”, written by Mohammad Ibrahim bin Zain-al-Abdin Nasiri, I try to answer two questions: a. Regarding the corpus in question, the Turkish words entered into the Persian, to what lexical fields do belong? b. What explanation can be given for the use of these Turkish words in the Persian during the Safavid period, and for most of them become archaic now?

The data of this research come from the book “Dastur-e Shahriaran”, one of the important surviving texts from the Safavid period. To extract data, the whole book was read and Turkish words and words that were partially Turkish were extracted, categorized, reviewed and analyzed according to the goals of the article. Since the analysis, generalizations and conclusions of the article are based on paying attention to the data on the one hand, and considering macro factors such as the longtime neighborhood of the Iranian and Turkic-speaking peoples, on the other hand, the methodology of this article is a combination of inductive and comparative methodology; and its method is a combination of descriptive and analytical methods.Tietze (1967) shows that Persian words entered Anatolian Turkish in different fields. Findley (2005: 45) has repeatedly pointed out the longtime relations between the Turkic ​​and Iranian people and their ethnic and cultural ties, and considers a number of ancient Turkish words, such as "khaqan" and "bag", to be derived from the Sogdian, as an Iranian language. Aydenlu (2016: 12), referring to Doerfer, has pointed out the identification of 2135 Turkish and Mongolian words in Persian. Findings of Aydenlu (2019) also confirm the use of Turkish words in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh. This worth noting, from the point of view the goals Ferdowsi had for writing the Shahnameh. He tried to express his words in Persian as much as possible; and therefore, existence of Turkish words in Ferdowsi language shows the longtime ties between Turkic and Iranian peoples. 

Based on the analysis of the data, some general points can be stated:The first point is that there are many Turkish words in the text in question, in some cases their spelling is close to their Turkish pronunciation. For example, the word ‘Uzbek’ is written in the same way in the text; however, in today's Persian writing, this word is written and pronounced as ‘ozbak’ which shows that the Turkish words entered into Persian have been adapted to its phonological and phonetic system.The second point is that some words entered from Turkish into Persian (for example, ‘ilchi’ and ‘qazlbash’) have a combined construction in Turkish (‘il’ + ‘-chi’; ‘qezl’ + ‘bash’). But in Persian, they are treated as non-combined and simple words, because the meaning of their parts is not known to Persian speakers. However, the Turkish suffix ‘-chi’ was added to non-Turkish words and gave words such as ‘Toqchi’ and ‘Charkhchi’.The third point is that elements of the Turkish have been used in making a group of words in the corpus of the research. Some of these elements are interesting because their widespread use in a period of the history of Persian has caused them to gradually behave like suffixes in this language. One of these elements is ‘bashi’. This element has been used in many words in the corpus, and it is also used in a number of modern Turkish varieties. This Turkish element is also used in Dasture-e Shahriaran with many non-Turkish words and has given the meaning of ‘chief’, ‘great’ and ‘commander’ to the base to which it is added.The fourth point is that the borrowing of Turkish and Persian languages ​​from each other has been bilateral. In fact, although in some areas, Persian has borrowed numerous words and expressions from Turkish, in other areas such as literary and poetic creation, Turkish has borrowed many words from Persian. This is clearly evident in the Turkish poem in the opening pages of Dastur-e Shahriaran.

Analysis of the research corpus showed that in some fields, Turkish words have entered Persian collectively. In some examined words, we see the presence of Turkish and Persian elements together, which has caused the formation of incomplete or hybrid loanwords in the Persian. The extensive presence of Turkish elements in the corpus of this research and other historical texts like it, is a proof for the longtime contact between Persian and Turkish languages. However, the presence of Turkish elements in the Persian texts of the Safavid period is also a consequence of the Safavid family being Turkish-speaking and their almost constant relations and conflicts with their Turkic neighbors in the west and northeast of Iran. Persian language has borrowed mostly nouns from Turkish. On the other hand, most of the Turkish elements in the research corpus are not used in today's Persian. The reason for this is the change of political and social relations in Iran in the recent two centuries. This is not specific to Iran and Persian, and something like it can be seen about many Persian and Arabic elements in Istanbul Turkish. Also, some of the Turkish elements in the body of the research, although are not completely obsolete in Persian now, signs of becoming archaic are evident on their face.

Kinship systems have become one of the universal characteristics of languages ​​due to their importance in the organization of society. Nevertheless, the simplicity of the patterns of these terms within the system of kinship relations, the simplicity of recognizing genetic relationships and the universal nature of human families, has made their meanings easily accessible (Berling, 1970: 18). Ecological linguistics is one of the practical approaches that entered the field of linguistic studies in the seventies decade with the studies of Hagen, an American-Norwegian linguist. Referring to the relationship between language and environment, Hagen defined linguistic ecology as "the study of the interaction between a specific language and the environment" (Stephen, 2007: 5). This approach has been very popular in recent years and many researchers around the world are studying this approach and its relationship with different fields of science.  Due to the unique characteristics of each context, various environmental factors play a role in how languages ​​are formed, as well as dialectal and linguistic variations in different regions. For example, there is a relationship between the amount of rainfall, air temperature and variety of agricultural products with linguistic features of that area (Qatre et al., 2014: 12). Sapir (1884: 19-39) has shown how external factors are presented in language. He introduced the environment as including physical factors (geography, weather, natural environment and the like) and social factors (art, religion, ethnic standards and type of government) that shaped the people’s thinking patterns of that society. Both of these factors are reflected in people's language and their environmental background materially affects their language. Since kinship terms are one of the universal characteristics of languages, it is necessary to determine its quality in typology. Language typology studies the systematic similarities and differences between the languages ​​of the world and compares the morphological and syntactic structures between different languages. Lori is one of the Iranian dialects. The main issue of the present research is to examine how the terms of kinship are represented in this dialect based on Ecological morphology and Typological morphology? Therefore, the research is an attempt to answer these questions; what are the characteristics of kinship terms in Lori Khorramabadi from ecological linguistics perspective? How can the morphological construction of these terms be explained from language typology perspective? And according to the typology of the language, how are the kinship terms with possessive constructions distributed in terms of type and amount of use? The data of this research are all the kinship terms related to Lori Khorramabadi, which were collected in both library and field methods (through interviews with available speakers) and the research method is descriptive-analytical.As Hassanvand Amuzadeh (2013) says, "The existence of language and dialect varieties depends to a significant extent on the existence of different cultures." Studies conducted on different cultures in the world show that different tribes and clans not only have different languages ​​and dialects, but also have different views of the world as reflected in their languages ​​and dialects. In the present paper, we observe that these terms are more for the male gender than for the female. Also, we observe that there are five for father and three for mother, seven for brother and three for sister, six for grandfather and four for grandmother.  Based on the existing culture in this ecology, the reflection of the importance of paternal race can be shown in these kinship relationships, which indicates the knowledge and thinking of the speakers. This multiplicity can be a sign of the difference that exists among people of paternal and maternal descent in Khorramabad. In fact, the multiplicity of terms allows us to distinguish more and reflects the breadth and depth of special kinship relationships, especially in nomadic and tribal areas of this environment. In the present study, the kinship terms of Lori Khorramabad language variety were investigated. These terms were examined from the point of view of morphological typology and ecological morphology. The findings show that at least 89 kinship terms are used in this variety. The diversity in the use of kinship terms in the Khorramabad Lori variety is mainly derived from factors such as culture, geography, gender and sociological factors of the environment such as ethnic and tribal criteria and kinship in this ecology. Also, the diversity in terms of kinship depends on cultural issues and social considerations of the environment surrounding those kinship relationships. For example, older terms (such as dædæ, gægæ, giyæ, tatæ, and kæčiæ) are found in the vocabulary of elderly people, and their near Persian or fully Persian equivalents (xowær /abji, berar, amu, and æmæ, respectively) are used in the vocabulary of the new generation and this point reminds the impact of social factors of this environment. Terms such as haluza, amuza/ tatæza, mimeza and hosiræ are gender neutral and show that in these terms, gender is not very important and this originates from the cultural factor, cognition and worldview of the people of this region. Some very old and local terms (such as xowær and giyæ, which need to be translated) indicate the existence of tribal ethnic criteria (different races and clans) and, accordingly, the geography and cultural sensitivities of this ecology. The findings show the fact that among the upper and middle classes living in Khorramabad, the use of Lori kinship terms has faded and in many cases these old words are being forgotten.The results of the structural investigations of these terms in typological morphology show the fact that these terms are mostly agglutinative and the rest of them are isolating. But inflectional and polysynthetic terms are not observed and all of terms correspond to morphological concatenation and non- concatenative strategy is not seen. It should be mentioned that the terms with possessive construction all indicate the strategy of juxtaposition and do not indicate other possessive strategies either combination or fusion.

The scientific study of local languages ​​and dialects can provide many theoretical and scientific results and help in better understanding of language knowledge and its enrichment. Taleshi as one of the coastal languages ​​of Caspian Sea belongs to the languages ​​of the north western group of Iranian languages. This dialect is related to other dialects of the Caspian coast and also connected with the central dialects of Iran. Some linguists have divided Taleshi into three groups: Northern Talshi common in the Republic of Azarbaijan, Central Taleshi common in more southern regions such as Asalem and Paresar as a section of Razvanshahr, and Southern Taleshi common in Shanderman, Masal, Shaft, Foman and Somaesara, which is closer to Tati and there is mutual understanding between them. (Stillo, 2015: 413).The present study explains the lenition of the consonant /b/ in the Taleshi dialect of Digehsaree within the framework of optimality theory. This process happens at the end of the syllable, in consonant clusters, and between vowels. Sometimes, it occurs at the beginning of the syllable which have been discussed for its historical reasons.The current research, which was conducted in a descriptive-analytical method and based on the theory of optimality, seeks to find answers to such questions as: What is the mechanism of the lenition in Taleshi Digehsaraee dialect regarding the consonant /b/ in different environments? In which environment lenition does not occur? What are the active restrictions concerning this process and what are their order?

The studies conducted on phonological processes in different dialects and languages within the theoretical framework of optimality are discussed. The methods in aforementioned studies are descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that there are various processes of assimilation, dissimilation, insertion, deletion, compensatory lengthening, lenition and strengthening in these dialects and languages. The analysis of data on the constraints and the different arrangements of constraints in each language and dialect has been very useful and effective in conducting this research. The present research rejects Hart's theory that the lenition does not occur in the initial or inter-vowel position. In Taleshi Digesaree dialect, lenition also happens in the position between two vowels.

The approach of this study is the phonological system of the Taleshi-Digehsaree dialect, a formal approach, aimed at the normal speech of native speakers. The method used in the phonetics and phone extraction section is generally based on examples of the normal speech by the speakers of this dialect. To conduct this research, twenty illiterate native speakers of Digehsara village with an age range of 40 to 70 (ten women and ten men) were interviewed for one hour and the data were recorded. Also, the author is a speaker of this dialect and the research method is descriptive-analytical. The theoretical framework in this research is the theory of optimality, which is one of the dominant theories in the present decade and is considered very popular and influential in linguistics. The main goal of this theory is to compare options according to a hierarchy of constraints.

The factor that provokes lenition in Taleshi Dialect of Digehsaraee should be the restriction of not having a consonant with the characteristic *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial] after the center of the syllable. There are cases that with the lenition of the first consonant in syllable-final consonant clusters but there is still a sequencing problem. For example, the word Qabz is pronounced as Qafz, which still has a sequencing problem. There is another evidence that the lenition in syllable-terminal clusters is not a restriction of sonority sequence. Definitely, in the clusters at the end of the syllable of the word / zabt /, the sequence of articulation is well observed and we see a descending sequence of articulation at the end of the syllable. Applying lenition to observe the sonority sequence will be a mistake and this is against the principle of linguistic economy. Therefore, the lenition must have another stimulus. So, it can be concluded that in Taleshi Dialect, the sound after the core should not have the characteristic *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial]. According to the above limitation, the tendency of the language is that the obstruent sound /b/, which has the characteristic of [-continuous-delayed release + vowel + labial], should not come after the nucleus and if it occurs, this violation should be compensated as much as possible. Therefore, Taleshi Dialect uses lenition. The transformation of obstruent into fricative consonants, called friction, occurs in the context between two vowels or after a vowel, so that it is considered a kind of lenition. (Kenstowicz, 1994) This is somewhat equivalent to constraint * [-cont - delrel+voice+labial] due to the absence of the obstruent consonant /b/, and it has the characteristic of *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial] after the nucleus.In Taleshi Dialect of Digehsaraee, the constraint *[-cont-delrel+voice+labial] is applied to non-cluster consonants in addition to consonant clusters at the end of the syllable. For example, the inflectional form of the word water /ᾱb/ is pronounced as /ᾱv/.This constraint is also applied in the position between two vowels. For instance, the word bean /Lubјᾱ/ is pronounced as /Luvјᾱ/. The word /dubᾱre/ is pronounced again as /dǝvᾱra/. It can be seen that the consonant /b/ between the two vowels has also been transformed into the fricative consonant /v/ using the lenition to satisfy the *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial] constraint. Therefore, this can be considered as a dominant constraint in Taleshi dialect. This constraint is also applied in the v-c# position, i.e. between a vowel and a consonant at the end of the syllable. For example, the word tiger /babr/ is pronounced as/ bavr/ or the word patience /sabr/ as /savr/. This constraint is also applied in the v:-# position, i.e. after the long vowel at the end of the syllable. The word šib is pronounced as šiv or the word sib is pronounced as sif. The consonant /b/ after long vowels also satisfies the constraint *[-cont– delrel+voice+labial].Some of the words in the Taleshi dialect, such as [var] barf, [vᾱ] wind, [vang] bang, have historical roots before being affected by the lenition. In other words, the original (old) form of these words in the languages Avestan and Middle Farsi are in their modern form and are still preserved in some dialects, including the Taleshi dialect. But in a certain context, the /b/ consonant is not affected by the *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial] constraint and remains the same as the /b/ consonant. This happens if we have a syllable (rv:) before the phoneme /b/, the lenition is not applied in this environment. The stimulus of this factor should be seen as the constraint * [+liquids-lateral+ long v+ cons(v)]. So, the sequence of constraints governing the Taleshi Digehsaraee dialect can be written as follows.[+liquids-lateral+ long v+cons(v)], LIN, MAX, DEP,>> SON-SEQ, *[-cont– delrel+voice+labial], IDENT(f), >>Complex Coda

The stimulus of the lenition should be considered as the constraint *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial]. The tendency of this constraint is that the phone after the nucleus does not have the characteristic * [-cont – delrel+voice+labial]. According to this constraint, there is a tendency in Taleshi Digehsaraee dialect in which the obstruent consonant /b/ does not come after the nucleus, and if it does, this violation is compensated as much as possible. The constraint *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial] applies to non-cluster consonants in addition to consonant clusters. But in a certain context, the consonant /b/ is not affected by the constraint *[-cont – delrel+voice+labial] and remains the same consonant /b/. This happens if we have a syllable (rv:) before the consonant /b/, which the lenition is not applied in this context. The stimulus of this factor should be known as the constraint* [+liquids-lateral+ long v+ cons(v)], which means that whenever we have a long vowel after /r/, the lenition is not applied. The reason for this is related to the phonological system of the Taleshi dialect, which does not allow such a sequence within a syllable in the Taleshi dialect.

The present study investigates the grammatical gender feature in Kholosi language. This language belongs to the family of Indo-Aryan languages, which is spoken in the villages of "Kholos" and "Gotav" in Hormozgan province. Kholosi has preserved this grammatical feature inherited from the Sindhi language since long ago. Sindhi language is the historical language of Sindh state, which has been influenced by Farsi, Urdu and Balochi languages. Kholos is the name of a small village in Kokhard, Harang district of Bastak city, which is located in the west of Hormozgan province, 18 km from Jinnah city. Many believe that this people migrated from India to Iran before Islam and accepted Islam after settling in this region. After the migration of this people to Iran, due to the existence of geographical borders and lack of contact between the residents of this region and the speakers of the Sindhi language, their language gradually changed. These changes occurred in the field of vocabulary, grammar and syntax, so that now the speakers of Kholosi language cannot communicate with the speakers of Sindhi language. The category of grammatical gender only focuses on some languages of the world. An important question that is raised in linguistics is the method of assigning grammatical gender to nouns.

Materials and Metods:

This research is descriptive and the data of this research was collected through interviews with speakers of Kholosi language. To collect the data of this language, 10 speakers of Kholosi language were interviewed. Among them, 3 men and 7 women in the age group of 30 to 85 years were selected. The data were analyzed in the form of Corbett's (1991) semantic system and formal system. Moreover, the way of assigning grammatical gender to nouns in this language was investigated in derived, compound and loanwords. This research was conducted with the aim of achieving the following question:What is the criterion for assigning gender in Kholosi language? Since no linguistic research has been conducted on Kholosi language so far, in the background section of the research, some researches related to grammatical gender in other Iranian languages have been mentioned. The definition of grammatical gender in this research is based on the research of Corbett (1991). The main feature of grammatical gender is matching. In languages that have a gender system, the most common number of genders includes two classes (feminine and masculine). Kholosi language also has two grammatical genders, masculine and feminine, at the level of nouns, adjectives, and verbs.

In data analysis, the grammatical gender of Kholosi words was investigated based on the semantic and formal system of Corbett (1991). According to Corbett (1991), in the semantic system, the meaning of the word is the only criterion and basis for determining grammatical gender. In Kholosi, there are nouns such as: "sister", "mother", "woman", "father", "brother" and "man" which have feminine and masculine semantic characteristics. In this language, in addition to humans, specific words are used to refer to some names of male and female animals according to their gender. According to the phonological rules in the Sindhi language, proper nouns that end with the vowels [-a], [æ], [-i], [-ey] are feminine, and nouns that end with the vowels [-o], [-u], [-ū], [-ow], have masculine grammatical gender . In derived adjectives, the gender of the noun used in it determines the grammatical gender. In Kholosi compound words, the final vowel indicates the grammatical gender, but if the compound word ends with a consonant, then the grammatical gender of the first morpheme determines the grammatical gender of that word. The rules of grammatical gender of loanwords in this language are the same as assigning gender to nouns. In Kholosi language, there is a match between adjective and noun in terms of gender and number. In descriptive compound, the suffix is ​​attached to the end of the compound and to the adjective. The sign / ᴐ /- is used for the masculine adjective and the sign /-i/ is used for the feminine. To express the concept of indefinite, the independent definition letter is not used, but the number /hek/ "one" before the nouns has this role. /heko/ is used for masculine nouns and /heki/ is used for feminine nouns. In Kholosi, there is a gender match between the verbs and the subject, only if the verb is past tense and intransitive. In other tenses, they have a tense limit and the verbs match the subject only in terms of person and number. The gender matching suffixes are /du/ for the masculine gender and /di/ for the feminine gender. In this language, there is a match between gender and person, but in the imperfect continuous form for the second person singular, at the end of the verb, the feminine gender marker /-di/ is used in a neutral form to indicate both genders. The relative verb "to become" in the past tense and in the singular form has the distinction of masculine and feminine grammatical gender. The sign /ᴐ/- is used for masculine adjectives and the sign /-i/ is used for feminine adjectives. If the adjective is plural, these additional signs are removed and the plural sign /-a/ is used at the end of the adjective.

Kholosi language has overt and covert grammatical gender. Masculine nouns end with vowels [o, u, ow, ü] and feminine nouns end with vowels [a, æ, i, ey]. Loanwords are also subject to the same phonetic rule. If loanwords end in a consonant, they usually take the masculine gender. In Kholosi language, animate, inanimate and object nouns also have grammatical gender distinction. In this language, nouns match verbs, adjectives, pronouns, numbers, and letters of definition in terms of gender, and there are many restrictions on the correspondence between nouns and their dependents, including tense, phonetic, person, mood, and number restrictions. Verbs in this language have grammatical gender distinction only in the past tense and singular. The relative verb "to become" in the past tense and in the singular case has gender distinction. Noun has masculine and feminine gender only in singular case, and if the noun is plural, it has no grammatical gender. The speakers of Kholosi language use grammatical gender in their speech and are aware of its existence, but due to the influence of Persian language, the speakers of the new generation of this language in this village use the category of grammatical gender less.

Criticism, power and ideology are among the common concepts among all dominant approaches in critical discourse analysis. The purpose of critical discourse analysis is to reveal the hidden ideological structures in internal and external layers of the texts. Partition Literature Discourse deals with dissolution of British Raj and division of Indian subcontinent. In his novel Train to Pakistan (1956), Khushwant Singh (1915-2014), the founder of “Partition Literature”, has shown the fundamental role of power structures in the representation of social ideologies. He has made "linguistic innovations" in English language through “Loan Translation”, “Semantic Indianization”and “Anglicized Native Idiomatic Expressions”. In line with Khushwant Singh’s ideas, Van Dijk (1997) believes that critical discourse analysis is is theory-oriented rather than subject-oriented, and this theorizing should be aimed at understanding social inequalities. The hypothesis of this research, considering three variables namely, loaner dialects, discourse strategies and translation strategies, is that Khushwant Singh has priorized the technique of “Calque” from Indian dialect in order to preserve cultural elements of “Source Language” in “Target Language” and enrich English as the borrower language. In other words, Singh has tried to nativize English language by using linguistic elements.

Conducting research on critical discourse analysis has a long record in literature, history, psychology and linguistics. However, no research has been done on Khushwant Singh and “Indian Partition Literature” based on Van Dijk’s model of critical discourse analysis. A small number of articles on the subject of “Indian Partition Literature” are merely political or historical in nature. Van Dijk’s model of critical discourse analysis include six general components “Semantic”, “Syntax”, “Stylistic”, “Argumentation”, “Rhetoric” Speech Act” (Action and Interaction) strategies(Kasaei,2014:22). These strategies reveal the ideologies of speakers in surface and hidden layers of the text. Van Dijk’s ideological square deals with social, cultural and psychological aspects of human behavior. It is shaped on four main principles, namely, “Emphasis on positive representation of the in-group”, “Emphasis on negative representation of the out-group”, “De-emphasis of the negative properties of the in-group” and “De-emphasis of the positive properties of the out-group” (Van Dijk, 1998:267). In this study we seek to show Khushwant Singh’s language innovations and the effects of Indian native dialects in Train to Pakistan (1956) with a multidisciplinary approach. Besides, based on Van Dijk’s model of critical discourse analysis, the multifaceted relations between language, culture and society in the selected novel will be investigated.

4.1. Rhetorical Structures: In this historical novel, Khushwant Singh presents a realistic picture of India's post-independence conflicts in Engliah language by making use of rhetorical strategies and adopting calques from Indian dialect. Van Dijk defines social cognition as “system of mental representations and processing of group members” (Van Dijk, 1998: 18). Rhetorical strategies comprise an important part of the discourse context at macro level, which Van Dijk considers based on the conceptual meaning of cognition and a manifestation of the mental image of a communication situation. Generally, this is the the same goal that rhetorical structures pursue for “ideological backgrounding” in the long-term memory of human society. 4.1.1. Simile By utilizing figures of speech such as simile in various situations, Khushwant Singh highlights the shortcomings of his own religious community and Muslims to the same extent. He makes use of “Innovative Similies” which are derived from Indian language: Table.1 Rhetorical Strategy of Simile in the Novel Original Text You snored like a railway engine.(P.64) Persian Literary Translation مثل موتور راه آهن خروپف کردی Translated Text خر و پفت مثل سوت قطار بلند شد.(ص.124) Indian Dialect aapane rel injan kee tarah kharraate lie आपन रल इजन की तरह खरराट लिए آپن رل انجن ک تره کرات لییه In the novel, the simile phrase “Like a railway engine” is equal to “like a bear” in Standard English. Khushwant Singh has used its Indian equivalence, ، “rel injan (रल इजन)” to localize the English language. 4.2. Semantic Structures: 4.2.1. Distancing Semantic indianization is one of Khushwant Singh’s language innovations, which he often uses to depicting religious distancing and ideological differences in Indian society. Table.2 Semantic Strategy of Distancing in the Novel Original Text We cannot really play this stabbing game.(P.18) Persian Literary Translation ما هندوها واقعا نمیتوانیم این بازی چاقوکشی را انجام دهیم Translated Text این چیزا در مرام ما هندوها نیست.(ص.29) Indian Dialect ham vaastav mein chhura ghompane ka yah khel nahin khel sakate हम वासतव म छरा घोपन का यह खल नही खल सकत هم واستاو م چورا گمپانه کا ی کل نهی کل ساکته Khushwant Singh has selected “stabbing game” for the English text by adopted the descriptive composition of “chhura ghompane (छरा घोपन का)” from Indian language. This kind of selection is in line with Van Dijk’s ideological square(2006)and, intentionally or unintentionally, institutionalizes the distance between Hindus and Muslims. 

Conclusion:

 Train to Pakistan (1956), masterpiece of Indian Partition Literature, is a “Hybrid Text” and a combination of different dialects and cultures. Khushwant Singh’s frequent and conscious use of “Calque” in the novel Train to Pakistan, reflects the author's style and intention which should be taken into account in the translation process and the manner of transferring it to the translated text. He utilizes the “Global Language” of English as a powerful tool to introduce the Indian cultural values and the structure of the native dialects of his country. Discourses, signs and linguistic morphemes in Train to Pakistan remind the native atmosphere of India for the audience and have a great impact in localizing and hybridizing of its the English text. Singh has used various techniques such as calque, modulation, euphemism and substitution to preserve the beauty of words. These techniques paly a key role in identifying the socio-cultural differences known in two linguistic societies. The overt or hidden ideologies in the discourse of this novel reproduce in-group or out-group social polarities. Characters’ discources in the novel comply with Van Dijk’s ideological strategy in micro and macro levels. Khushwant Singh blames all social classes for disrupting peaceful coexistence. His literary masterpiece is a clear mirror of the dual human nature and a reflection of the structure of social ideology, which plays a tremendous role in promoting world peace.

Possession is a relatively abstract concept that is a bit difficult to define it explicitly. But the speakers of any language can have an understanding of the mentioned concept based on their linguistic background. To express the concept of possession in languages, the presence and participation of possessor and possessee are required. Between these two, there is an asymmetric relationship of belonging; in a way that the property belongs to the owner, but there is no opposite of this relationship (Stassen, 2009: 11).This research examines the possessive construction in Sorkhi dialect based on the typological approach of Croft (2003). Sorkhi dialect is one of the five common dialects in the Koohmare Sorkhi region of Shiraz city in Fars province. Koohmare Sorkhi is one of the oldest residential regions of Fars province. In terms of country divisions, this region is a part of Shiraz city. Sorkhi dialect is one of the southwestern dialects of Iran, and its speakers live in villages such as Bagdane, Romqan, Shurab and Siakh. The structure of the research is a way that the second part of the paper examines the background of studies conducted in possessive construction. In the third part, it examines the different methods of showing possessive construction, how the relationship between the possessor and the possessee, and the distinction between inalienable and inalienable possession from the typological point of view. In the fourth part, the possessive construction in Sorkhi dialect is introduced, and in the final part, the results of the research are presented.

This research is a field survey which is done through using some questionnaires and speaking to Sorkhi speakers. About 500 sentences were gathered and then analyzed using the typological approach of Croft (2003). Since there has been no research on the possessive construction in Sorkhi dialect, the studies conducted on this construction in the Persian language will be discussed. As Sharifi (2009) writes, not much research has been done on possessive construction in Persian grammar and most of the linguistics have included this construction under the name of genetive construction. As an example, we can mention writers such as: Nadimi (1975), Jafari (1983), Vahidian and Omrani (2011).  

The strategy of making possessive in this dialect is to use linkers. The linker of this dialect - which is the genitive sign - is derived from the relative pronoun (which itself is an indexical morpheme) and turned into a linker during the process of grammaticalization. Croft (2003: 32-45) considers the linker as a morpheme that appears between a noun and a possessive pronoun, and thus it is dependent on both constructions, and according to this point of view, the possessive construction in Sorkhi dialect should be considered as consisting of three morphemes. In the possessive construction of this dialect, regardless of the type of possessor and possessee, first the possessee and then the possessor is placed together and the connection between them is established by using the linker.Another strategy of possessive construction in this dialect is the use of the juxtaposition strategy without the involvement of any additional morphemes. The study of the data showed that this dialect uses the juxtaposition strategy for possessive construction in the following two cases.The third strategy of possessive construction in the Sorkhi dialect is the affixation strategy and it is mostly used when the possessor is a pronoun. Mahoutian (2011: 149) believes that in this method, the clitic is used. In this strategy, the possessor is connected to the possessee by a clitic and both structures appear as a single word.In the Sorkhi dialect, the verb root /hen/ is used in the construction of "to have", and the construction of "belonging" is shown with the help of the word "māle". Both constructions of "having" and "belonging" are used to express alienable possessive. Theconstruction of "belonging" cannot be used to express inalienable possession. On the other hand, the statement of inalienable possession can be made with the help of "having". The second difference between the constructions of "having" and "belonging" is in the arrangement of their constituents. In the construction of "having" it is possessor-possessee, and in the construction of belonging it is possessee-possessor. Another issue is the investigation of whether the possessor and possessee are known or unknown. In the Sorkhi dialect, in the four cases of known possessor and possessee, known possessor and unknown possessee, unknown possessor and known possessee, unknown possessor unknown and unknown possessee, both the construction of "having" and the construction of "belonging" can be used. The following examples show this fact. But another issue is the investigation of whether the possessor and possessee are known or unknown. In the Sorkhi dialect, in the four cases of known possessor and possessee, known possessor and unknown possessee, unknown possessor and known possessee, unknown possessor unknown and unknown possessee, both the construction of "having" and the construction of "belonging" can be used.

According to what has been said, it can be concluded that Sorkhi dialect uses three strategies of concatenation, juxtaposition, and affixation to build possession. One of these strategies is the one in which there is an increase in morphemes, and the other is among the simple strategies that do not add any morpheme to possessor and possessee. The first strategy is to use the linker, the second is to use juxtaposition, and the third strategy is to use affixation without the involvement of any additional morphemes. which is one of the linking strategies. These three strategies are analyzed in the following table according to the three characteristics mentioned in the classification of Croft (2003).

In this paper, the description of word order typological parameters has been provided based on the 24 correlation pairs of Dryer (1992) and in line with the Typology of Iranian Languages (Dabir-Moghaddam, 1392). This variant belongs to South-Western Iranian languages. This language is spoken in the village [xɑnik], locally called [xunek]. The village [xɑnik] is located 25 kilometers from Gonabad on the border of Razavi and South Khorasan provincesand it is one of the many Khaniks in the Southern Khorasan and it is surrounded by mountains. Khanik is inside a valley. It is settled in a valley all surrounded by a mountainous area called [siyæh koh] which means Black Mountain. The Black Mountains has been intersected by this valley. Numerous small valleys end up in this valley and every each of these valleys has one to five springs of water. In total, there are almost 38 springs of water in this valley. According to Health Ministry of Gonabad, it has the population of 196 people, mainly old people. Rate of birth is zero. There are only 4 students. The youngest person is 7 and the oldest man and woman are 94 and 95 respectively. Consequently, it is an endangered language.
Methodology, literature and the

The data in this study has been collected through recording the voice of old and illiterate people in the village. Then the audio data was segmented and morphemic and interlinear glosses were provided with all the examples. And finally the description and explanation of the data were provided in the adapted theoretical framework. The description of word order typological parameters has been provided based on the 24 correlation pairs of Dryer (1992) mentioned in his article Greenbergian word order correlations. In order to provide an explanation for the existence of the pairs of X and Y on the level of NPs and Clauses and their correlations with OV and VO types, Dryer (1992) introduces HDT and HTC theories. However, he finally provides the Branching Direction Theory (BDT) as an alternative to these theories. According to BDT verb patterners are phrasal (branching) categories. That is, a pair of elements X and Y will employ the order XY significantly more often among VO languages than among OV languages if and only if X is a nonphrasal category and Y is a phrasal category (Dryer, 1992: 109).

The 24 parameters of word order mentioned in Dryer (1992) and his Branching Direction Theory (BDT) and their correlations with the occurrence of object and verb in Khaniki language has been analyzed intensively in this part and the result is as follows.  Khaniki is a strong verb-final and verb-initial language in the World genera and EURASIAN language genera in parameters 10, 11, 16, 17, 23.In the parameters 4, 5, 12, 18 in the World genera and EURASIAN genera, Khaniki has all the 4 possibilities.In the parameters 6, 7, 22 in the World and EURASIAN genera, Khaniki is a weak verb-initial language but a strong verb-final.In the parameters 1, 3, 8, 13, 14, 20, 21, 24 in the World and EURASIAN genera, Khaniki is a strong verb-initial language but a weak verb-final.In the parameters 2, 9, 15, 19 Khaniki does not behave as a uniform language in regard to typological parameters in the two types of verb-final and verb-initial languages in both genera. For example, in parameter 2, it is a weak verb-initial and verb-final in EURASIAN genera but a strong verb-initial and verb-final in the World genera. In parameter 9, it is a strong verb-initial and weak verb-final in EURASIAN genera but a strong verb-initial and verb-final in the World genera. In parameter 15, it is a weak verb-initial and verb-final in EURASIAN genera but a weak verb-initial and strong verb-final in the World genera.Not regarding the common typological parameters in the two types of verb-final and verb-initial languages in group (a) and (b), the statistical difference in group (c) with 8 strong verb initial parameters and in group (d) with 3 strong verb-final parameters is 5 in the World and EURASIAN genera. On the other hand, with regard to group (e), it can be said that in total, Khaniki in 5 parameters in EURASIAN genera and 4 parameters in the World genera has a tendency toward verb-initial languages. In comparison to other Iranian languages such as Shahmirzadi, Tati and Taleshi, Khaniki is a left-branching or first-head language in parameters 1, 3, 9 and therefore this language is in line with many Iranian languages in this regard including modern Persian. Khaniki is different from modern Persian in terms of word order typology just in parameter 5. Khaniki just like modern Persian uses an auxiliary verb to show the future tense.

Khaniki language is spoken in the village [xɑnik], locally called [xunek]. This variant (of language) belongs to South-Western Iranian languages. This language, as well as many other Iranian languages, is an endangered language. The audio data of this study was segmented and morphemic and interlinear glosses were provided with all the examples. After analyzing the data, in order to determine the typological parameters of Khaniki language in regard to word order typology in the adopted theoretical framework, based on the 24 correlation pairs of Dryer (1992), we came up with two tables. One of the tables shows the situation of Khaniki language compared to the World language genera and the other table reveals the position of this language compared to EURASIAN language genera. The data shows that Khaniki has 12 parameters of strong verb-final languages and 18 parameters of strong verb-initial languages in comparison to EURASIAN groups of languages (genera). This language also has 15 parameters of strong verb-final languages and 20 parameters of strong verb-initial languages in comparison to the world language genera. This language just like many other Iranian languages is a mixed-type language and it reinforces the fact that mixed-type can be a separate type itself.

 This research analyzes and evaluates modalization based on Halliday's systemic functional grammar (SFG) in the Azerbaijani Turkish language. In this SFG-based approach, mood and modality are examined within the mood structure which consists of two parts: (i) mood with elements of subject and finite and (ii) residue. In short, modality in this system refers to the space between two polarities, namely 'yes' and 'no'. In modalization, the commodity being exchanged is information and the utterance is considered as a proposition in which the speaker's attitude to the event is in the form of degrees of probability or possibility of occurrence or degrees of usuality; this means the possibility of recurrence. Despite the lack of attention to modality and its integration into the concept of mood in the Turkish grammar, the concept of modality in this system has been significantly distinguished from the category of mood. This research is an attempt to address the issues about (i) the presentation of modalization, (ii) the role of adjuncts in distinguishing between degrees of certainty and usuality and (iii) the presentation of past and present tense in mood finites in the Turkish language.

Methods & Materials 

First of all, to investigate modalization in the Azerbaijani Turkish language, the elements and constituents that make up mood structure and modalization in terms of possibility of occurrence, frequency, degrees, levels and elements involved in their formation were examined. In so doing, Azerbaijani Turkish clauses and their English and Persian equivalents were used. The theoretical framework of the current analysis was based on the mood structure in SFG) and the corpus was taken from the clauses in the literary and fictional sources in the Turkish language. The concept of modality has not been mentioned at all in the sources of the Azerbaijani Turkish grammar, and no study was found in the literature to address this issue based on SFG. Aijmer (2016), Nuyts (2001), Eggins (2004), and Halliday and Matthiessen (2004) have widely examined modality based on SFG. Considering the integration of the concept of mood and modality in Turkish grammar, the aim of this research was to study the Azerbaijani Turkish language based on an approach that can make a clear distinction between these two categories.

The findings show that the mood structure in the Turkish language is also made up of two parts: mood and residue. The mood itself is composed of two components: the subject and the finite, and the residue includes the three functional elements of predicator, complement and adjunct. Results also show that predicators are an integral part of the mood structure and determine the presence, absence and number of complements in this constituent, while the presence of adjuncts in this structure is not mandatory and they can be removed from the clause. Concerning modalization, the study of the syntactic behavior of the elements and the morphemes involved in the clauses indicates that Azerbaijani Turkish expresses modality with "high" and "medium" degrees of certainty by means of the finite -mali. Also, unlike the English language that uses different finites, i.e., may and could, Azerbaijani Turkish uses the morpheme -abil which does not represent the semantic differences in its English equivalents. Examining the clauses of modalization in terms of probability and only with the presence of mood adjuncts showed that the ambiguity in Azerbaijani Turkish in terms of making a distinction in the degree of probability of occurrence is removed due to the presence of mood adjuncts. Furthermore, examining the modalization in terms of usuality with the presence of adjuncts of frequency in Azerbaijani Turkish showed that there is no ambiguity in the levels of usuality. A third state related to modalization in terms of probability with high and low degrees of certainty was also found. It was evident that the mood finites and the mood adjuncts were employed simultaneously. Despite the fact that the mood finites are the same in Azerbaijani Turkish, the ambiguity in the distinction between high and medium levels has been removed due to the presence of mood adjuncts; different mood adjuncts have raised the scale of certainty. Finally, the examination of modal verbs showed that in Azerbaijani Turkish - unlike English - the concept of tense does not appear in an integrated form with lexical verbs, but it emerges as a dependent morpheme. These morphemes are -di in the past tense and zero in the present tense. Surprisingly enough, in the current grammar sources of Azerbaijani Turkish, the morpheme -ir is mistakenly introduced as the morpheme of the present tense.

Overall, it is concluded that modalization in terms of probability in the Azerbaijani Turkish language is represented in three levels and states: (i) only with the presence of mood finites, (ii) only with the presence of mood adjuncts, and (iii) with the simultaneous presence of mood finites and mood adjuncts. The only difference is that the distinction between high and medium levels and also the semantic distinction between could and may at the low level is not possible in Azerbaijani Turkish. Modalization in terms of usuality is manifested only with the presence of mood adjuncts, and no ambiguity in different levels is observed. Not only the presence of mood adjuncts in modalization removes the ambiguity in the distinction between levels, but also their presence along with the mood finites can raise the degree of certainty of modalization in terms of probability. The combination of the morphemes of modality and tense generates mood finites in Azerbaijani Turkish. The morpheme -di indicates the past tense and its absence indicates the present tense, i.e., zero morpheme. Although the morpheme -ir is often reported to indicate the present tense in the Azerbaijani Turkish grammar sources, the SFG-based approach to Azerbaijani Turkish shows the process of the occurrence of verbs.

Considering the importance of language and different varieties as the heritage of humanity for the interaction of information, it seems necessary to preserve this heritage. The present study attempts to provide a holistic view of the continuous state of the dialects of the language varieties of the centeral, north, northwest, and southwest regions of Kerman province (Northern- Kerman variety) within the framework of one of the new methods, dialectometry, in the field of dialectology. Dialectometry is the method that uses statistical methods to measure dialect distances and to determine language boundaries. Based on the authors’ review, dialectometric methods have been used in limited studies to investigate Iranian dialects, and the representation of various linguistic varieties of Kerman province have often been summarized in traditional ways and based on the predecessors’ opinion. The present work is new in this respect.

In the current research, male and female speakers with an average age of 60 years and a literacy level of primary education, who live in the targeted region, were interviewed. A total of 54 dialect samples were prepared from 54 sites. The data of the study were extracted from the questionnaires of “Iran’s national language atlas project” and “Morris Swadesh basic list words”. The validity of the mentioned questionnaires was 0.96 based on Cronbach’s alpha test. In doing so, 205 words and 10 basic sentences extracted from the mentioned questionnaires. The collected data were statistically analyzed using the dialectometric and mapping software RuG/L04 package. Dialectometric methods adopted in this research include linguistic distance index, clustering and multidimensional scaling.The background of this research is divided into two categories. The first category is the studies related to the linguistic varieties of Northern-Kerman language, which have been conducted using traditional dialectology methods such as; Sotudeh (1335), Baghai (1342), Karbasi Ravari (1365), Babak (1375), Aieene Negini (1381), Anjom Shoae (1381). Hoseini Musa (1384), Farhadi Rad (1382), Ruholaamini (1384), Naghavi (1385), Mowlaei Kuhbanani (1390), Altaha (1394) and Larimer and Golabzade (1395).The second category is the studies which use Dialectometric methods include; Asadpur (1391), Rostambeik Tafreshi (1393), Mollaei Pashaei (1393), Sanayi (1395), Heidari Zadeh (1398) and Ghemat Pur (1399).The purpose of this research is to analyze the cluster of geographical distribution of linguistic variables, and more specifically, the main dialect clusters of Northern- Kerman variety are identified by certain dialectometric methods and their linguistic distance are measured to compare the results with the findings of traditional studies of Northern- Kerman varieties.

Discussion and review:

The findings of the clustering of language varieties based on linguistic distance index (chart 1) and multidimensional scaling (chart 2) showed that six dialect clusters can be distinguished in the geographical scope of the research, which will be used as letters ‘A’, ‘B’, ‘C’, ‘D’, ‘E’ and ‘F’. Cluster ‘A’ has the highest dialectal difference with a language distance index 0.34. Other dialect clusters have the least difference with a minimal distance. According to the distance index matrix and the two-dimensional scaling map, it can be concluded that only cluster ‘A’ is a dialect and the other clusters should be considered accents.Dialect cluster ‘A’ is distinguished from other clusters due to some distinctive features including  the use of some Baluchi words, /Iə/ and /ʊə/ diphthongs, the trill phoneme of /r/, consonance cluster //  of Ancient Iranian, the plural suffix /-on/, the continuous prefix / ʔæ-/, the noun-forming and adjective-forming suffixes (/-æ/, /-æg/, /-æk/ ), debuccalization process and ergative construction.Cluster ‘B’ is different from other clusters due to the high frequency of the vowel lengthening process of the first syllable.Cluster ‘C’ is different from other dialect clusters due to the insertion of the glide /j/ at the end of words ending in a vowel, but it is similar to clusters ‘D’ and ‘E’ in two syntactic features; the first person singular pronoun /-om/and the first person singular pronoun as /mo/. The cluster ‘D’ is similar to the cluster ‘E’ in the vowel lengthening of the negative prefix /næː-/ in the simple past tense and the negative imperative.The cluster ‘E’ is different from other clusters in the elimination of the consonant phoneme /m/ and, of course, the lengthening of the preceding syllable, but it is common with ‘C’, ‘D’ and ‘F’ clusters in the application of the process of changing obstruent, such as the conversion of /q/ to /ɤ / in the vowel environment or the beginning and end of the syllable. Cluster ‘F’ is similar to clusters ‘B’, ‘D’ and ‘E’ in the degemination process.Finally, in the analysis of dialect clusters’ data, it was found that the dialect clusters ‘B’, ‘C’, ‘D’, ‘E’ and ’F’ are common in the application of the compensatory lengthening process.

Adopting a computational linguistic approach, the current research has been analyzed the linguistic variables in the Northern- Kerman language varieties. According to the findings of the language clustering of language varieties (chart 1) and two-dimensional scaling (chart 2) in the geographical scope of the research, six major dialect clusters are distinguished from each other. Each of the dialect clusters has distinct phonetic, phonological, morphological and syntactic features that distinguish it from other clusters. Based on the statistical analysis of the data, among the six dialect clusters, only cluster ‘A’ is a dialect, and the rest of the clusters have no dialect characteristics and are considered accents.For example, cluster ‘A’ is different from other clusters due to its features such as special words in the Baluchi language, /Iə/ and /ʊə/ diphthongs, the trill phoneme of /r/, consonance cluster // of Ancient Iranian, debuccalization process and the usage of ergative construction. Other clusters differ from each other due to limited differences such as the use of vowel lengthening in the first syllable like cluster ‘B’, the insertion of the glide /j/ at the end of words ending in a vowel like cluster ‘C’, the elimination of the consonant phoneme /m/ and, of course, the lengthening of the preceding syllable like cluster ‘E’, but they are similar in the compensatory lengthening process.

Historical changes and geographical dispersion make languages have different dialects and accents, and their linguistic study is one of the needs of today's human knowledge. Makorani Balochi, which is spoken in south of Sistan and Baluchistan and east of Hormozgan provinces in the south-east of Iran, belongs to the Western Iranian Languages. This research investigates the sound inventory of Makorani Balochi of Sarbazi in the Generative Phonology based on Burquest’s (2006) model of extracting phonemes. Language corpus was obtained from 40 illiterate participants with average of 30 to 80 years old, from three villages of Sarbaz County namely: Garag, Machhan and Bandigan. The data was recorded with WAV format. Having analyzed the intended speech sound by the use of sound analyzing programs of Praat and Excel, the data were transcribed in IPA alphabet 2020. The Source/Filter model was also used for some scientific explanations. Findings of this research indicate that: 1- There are 21 consonants, 6 simple vowels and 2 diphthongs in the sound inventory of this dialect. 2-There are two retroflexes among the plosives. 3- The length of vowels, dissimilar to the other Balochi dialects is not phonemic and has allophonic role. 4- Unlike from cardinal vowels, the vowels quality figure of this dialect shows the tendency of [u] towards fronting process as well as highly probable neutralization of [i] /[e] and [u] /[o] in the future. The findings report course of vowel changes and moving towards having a more economical phonemic system for this variant.

The present study investigates across the board wh-movement in Sanandaji Kurdish language, based on parallel merge approach of Citko (2005) in multidominant structure. The evidence in the data indicates that, wh-arguments in the object position of the transitive verb (inside vp), which contain essential information, do not move to the scope position of wh-phrase and behave in-situ and remain in their base generated position, in this case we can say that, ATB-movement cannot affect wh-questions in the object position. Also, the data showed that, wh-arguments can be preposed to the left periphery of the structure, if they are shared between two conjuncts. On the other hand, data containing conjuncts with a single pair reading does not impair the absolute assumption of wh-in-situ in Sanandaji Kurdish and in this sense, it cannot be claimed that the wh-questions exhibit mixed behavior. Likewise, in Sanandaji Kurdish, the ATB-movement of the wh – adjuncts to the left periphery is the result of topicalization and focusing, which often occupies the specifier position within a Focus phrase. In addition, the data showed that the movement of the wh-adjuncts, in the coordinate configuration in Sanandaji Kurdish is optional and is conducted in the logical form (LF) and receives information focus.