نشریه جامعه شناسی سیاسی انقلاب اسلامی
سال سوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 11، پاییز 1401)

The different viewpoints of the jurists of the constitutional era, regarding the nature of the government during the absence and the difference in their starting point from the basic principle of the inadmissibility of forming a government, caused a difference in the way the government was formed. This article is in response to the question that the approach of these jurists about the nature of government had an effect on the process of formation of constitutional monarchy. Using the descriptive-analytical method in the framework of interpretive historical sociology studies, the article believes: the lack of theoretical coherence of the jurists of the constitutional era in the face of the constitutional monarchy, gradually created boundaries in the society; In such a way that some considered the establishment of new institutions to be against the Shariah standards and to fight against it, and some believed that the preservation of the foundations of Islam depended on the establishment of such institutions. According to the findings of this research, the sanctification of political behavior under Sharia titles led the society towards social, political and legal gaps and gave a stable state to the created gaps. A situation that caused the removal of platforms for peaceful dialogue between the two groups of supporters and opponents and created disruptions in the process of institutionalizing constitutional monarchy as one of the indicators of the rule of law and overshadowed the process of political development in contemporary Iran.

Religious politics is one of the categories that has long been investigated in nations, especially Iran. In this connection, some argue that for politics to be on the proper path, it should follow religious teachings. This article investigates the criteria of religious politics from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei. The main question is: Which criteria are used to characterize religious politics from the view of Ayatollah Khamenei? Here, politics appears to follow such religious teachings as justice, laws, freedom, and popular choices to take steps into the proper path. We also investigate religious politics within the framework of ontological, cognitive, and humane foundations and thus examine the criteria of religious politics accordingly. This article uses content analysis to explore the thinking vision of Ayatollah Khamenei in the area of religious politics and its criteria. Content analysis is used for observational and document-based-historical research, which falls under quantitative research in terms of what it means to be. Throughout the research, we found that if the mechanisms of the political institution are aligned with religious teachings, a desirable society appears that fulfills divine ideals, thereby laying the ground for the prosperity and development of the nation in all domains. People of this society will also achieve their ideals and fulfill true prosperity and development.

One of the rational foundations of jurisprudence that Imam Khomeini highlighted in his political discourse was expediency. Imam Khomeini paid attention to the fact that for the continuation of the political system in the Islamic Republic, it is vital to pay attention to the interests of the political system and society. Therefore, facing new political challenges and conditions opened the way for the use of the element of expediency, in which "public good" played a prominent and special role. The evolution of the category of expediency, which was accompanied by the rulings of Imam Khomeini, was to open political and social knots that had become "problems". Therefore, in the revision of the constitution, solving the problems of the system is one of the consultative matters that the Expediency Council He gives a leader who can solve them by securing the interests of the country and society. The sign of expediency, in the discourse of the Islamic Republic, which is the continuation of the discourse of political jurisprudence, is closely related to reason and rationality. This article clarifies that the formation of expediency was precisely based on the issue of legislation in the Islamic Republic. This issue is directly based on the relationship between Sharia and law.

The present research was carried out with the aim of designing and validating a curriculum model for political socialization during the Islamic Revolution (case study: technical and professional students). research method according to the purpose, applied; according to the type of data, mixed (qualitative-quantitative) of the exploratory type; According to the time of data collection, it was cross-sectional and according to the method of data collection or the nature and method of the research, it was descriptive. The statistical population of the qualitative part of the research included organizational and academic elites, and non-random sampling method was used to determine the sample. The second group of the statistical population of this research included all the students of technical and professional fields in Tehran, numbering 970 people, and using Cochran's formula and stratified random sampling method, 275 students were selected as the sample size. . To collect research data, semi-structured interviews were used in the qualitative part, and researcher-made questionnaires were used in the quantitative part. The validity and reliability of the instruments were confirmed. In the quantitative part, according to the research questions, theoretical coding methods, Pearson correlation, and sample t-test were used. The results of the research showed that the dimensions of goal, content and evaluation were identified as the dimensions of the political socialization curriculum.

Postmodernism is one of the most important and influential movements of the last few decades in many disciplines and fields of study, including art, architecture, music, film, literature, sociology, communication sciences, fashion and technology. After the Islamic revolution, due to the changes that took place in the social, cultural and political fields, many stories were written based on postmodernism that one of their main characteristics is the non-linear and disjointed narrative. While doubting the patterns of the past decades, contemporary writers sought to find new ways of writing their works. Reza Ghasemi is also one of the prominent writers after the revolution in the field of fiction writing, and the most important feature of his works is the use of a special type of narration that has had a great impact on other elements of his stories. The purpose of this research, which was written based on a descriptive and analytical method, is to investigate the characteristics of narration in postmodernist stories and the effect of the narrator's narration on the process of events in Ghasemi's stories. Also, an attempt was made to reveal and decipher some ambiguities by analyzing the ambiguous elements of the novel. This research shows that it is difficult and impossible to understand these stories without knowing the characteristics of the narrator.

The findings of the research indicate that Ayatollah Beheshti believed in a system called ummah and imamate, whose leadership is the responsibility of the innocent in the age of presence and the guardian of the jurist in the age of absence. But a jurist in the age of occultation must be accepted by the Ummah in addition to having the conditions mentioned in the Shari'i texts. ]n order to verify the management ability, courage, resourcefulness and awareness of the current conditions, there is a need to appeal to an expert in the aforementioned matters to recognize that this goal is achieved with two-level elections. According to Ayatollah Beheshti, the legitimacy of the ruling of the jurisprudence in the age of absenteeism is based on the selection theory of the province, according to which, in order to achieve legitimacy in leadership, in addition to the existence of jurisprudence and justice as the right of Allah in him, it is also necessary to accept the people as the right of people. These two conditions are necessary in addition to the acceptance of the people, and in the absence of any one of them, the legitimacy of the political system will not be completed. The mentioned article was written based on the analytical descriptive method and the library method was used to collect its information.

The Islamic Revolution is a public-Islamic movement that follows important goals for the progress of man and society. The tendency toward class discrimination can challenge the entity of some supreme purposes of the Islamic Republic. The inclination to luxury orientation among some layers of authorities can demonstrate a type of non-Alavi ruling and the non-divine and non-popular policy of this behavior style can create some problems for the realization of the Islamic Revolution’s objectives. The present study aims to recognize the harms of the tendency toward class discrimination using a descriptive-analytical method and reviewing the available opinions. Provision of a specific definition of aristocracy and exploration of a way to obviate and avoid this defect through a public culturalization and development of the public and media supervision as well as the infusing the element of simple lifestyle as one of the main components to get any position in the Islamic Republic, are among the objectives of the present study. The weak performance of the responsible institutions, such as the legislature, the executive, the judiciary, and the governing institutions, as well as the involvement of influential people and political factions in fighting against class discrimination, and mere reliance on speeches, are among the most important causes of the growth of class discrimination in the Islamic Republic.

Tunisia was the first country in which a new wave of Islamic awakening began in its region in 2010, and with the removal of Ben Ali from the government, it marked a new wave of developments in the region under the name of fighting against tyranny and seeking democracy. In fact, the most important demands of the people in this period of Islamic awakening; It was the desire for democracy and the removal of tyranny and dictatorship, which is similar to the Iranian Islamic Revolution in February 1357. The most important question is: What were the results of the wave of Islamic awakening (2011) following the demand for democracy influenced by various forces in Tunisia? And its realization is affected by various Islamic and secular forces and currents in Tunisia, and of course its influence by the Islamic Revolution of Iran is desired (goal). The findings of the article show that the wave of Islamic awakening and democratization in Tunisia with the leadership of Hezb-al-Nehza influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran has had better results in creating a pluralistic society and the isolation of tyranny than in other countries. Searching for democracy in this country has a more suitable perspective (findings). Using the analytical descriptive method and referring to library and documentary sources is used in this article to write the content (method).

The ethnocentric movement (meaning centralism and right-seeking against the ethnocentrism of the dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the form of Turkish nationalism forms an important part of political life in Azerbaijan. In this article, we try to find out the reasons, causes and roots of politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in present-day Azerbaijan; Especially since the Islamic Revolution - in the "modern approach" to ethnicity and nationalism. the ethnic-national political currents or the analysis of ethnicity in Azerbaijan, one of the theories of Michael Hechter's scientific model is: The effect of arithmetic and rational selection (with non-structural explanation) is used. The results of this article show the direct effect of the indicators and variables derived from the theory of "rational choice" or "principle of balance of benefit" of Hechter's model on the emergence and continuation of "ethnicism" and "nationalism in Azerbaijan" in the last century. The ethnocentric movement (meaning centralism and right-seeking against the ethnocentrism of the dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the form of Turkish nationalism forms an important part of political life in Azerbaijan. In this article, we try to find out the reasons, causes and roots of politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in present-day Azerbaijan; Especially since the Islamic Revolution - in the "modern approach" to ethnicity and nationalism. the ethnic-national political currents or the analysis of ethnicity in Azerbaijan, one of the theories of Michael Hechter's scientific model is,

The third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is devoted to the rights of the nation. The study of the third chapter of the constitution has not been considered from the point of view of political sociology. The basic question raised and analyzed in this article is what rights of the nation are included in the third chapter of the constitution according to the international human rights documents and more importantly, what are the political and social contexts. Is? The present article is descriptive and analytical and has investigated the mentioned topic using a library method. The findings indicate that what is proposed in the third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is consistent with the human rights documents in this regard, although some of these rights face limitations. In the third chapter, the legislator has emphasized the freedom of individuals to the extent that it does not harm the rights and freedom of others, public order and Islamic principles. From the point of view of political sociology, the roots of the third chapter of the constitution should be sought in the libertarian developments of the constitutional revolution and libertarianism in this period. Because what is mentioned in the third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran was included in the Constitution. Of course, it is necessary to mention the people's demands for freedom during the Pahlavi period, which was manifested in the slogan of independence and freedom.

Individual and social freedoms form an important part of human rights standards. In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, various examples of individual and social rights and freedoms have been discussed. The purpose of this article is to examine this important question: What are the sociological grounds of individual and social freedoms in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the sociological reasons for the limitations of these freedoms? The following article is descriptive and analytical and has investigated the mentioned question using the library method. The findings indicate that the developments of the constitutional revolution and the specification of individual and social freedoms in the constitutional amendment are among the sociological fields of individual and social freedoms in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. During this period, as a result of various factors, including Iran's interaction with the outside world, important measures were taken to limit the king's power, and at the same time, the public's desire and will, including individual and social rights and freedoms, were taken into consideration.