نشریه پژوهش های باستان شناسی ایران
پیاپی 34 (پاییز 1401)

By discovery of the first traces of the burial of the dead during the Paleolithic period, the important issue of the existence of burial among prehistoric societies was raised. This view has always been debated and has led to different opinions. Among the emerging human species, there is considerable evidence of the burial of a Neanderthal species that lived throughout Eurasia during the Middle Paleolithic. In the present article, in addition to listing the various characteristics and cognitive abilities of Neanderthals, of which the ritualistic and complex burial behavior of the dead is one of the most important, some areas with Neanderthal burial remains the human remains have been selected and the burial space inside them has been measured and examined. The Neanderthal burial issue is complex and somewhat ambiguous. In this article, above all, the points where there were human remains have been considered so that we can at least know where to start when exploring a cave or rock shelter and focus on which areas to put. In this regard, by focusing on the form and plan of the area and dividing its space into four equal parts, the location of the remains was identified. Subsequently, it was observed that on average, burial was more in which area of the caves or shelters and in which part of them was less. This trend was studied separately at a different time and place intervals and its diversity and changes over time and in the geographical extent of Neanderthals were studied. Accordingly, Neanderthals 130 to 70 thousand years ago and Neanderthals 70 to 40 thousand years ago, as well as Neanderthals in Europe and Asia were examined separately to determine that each group of them usually found the bodies of their dead in which part of the cave or rock shelter did they bury?

Neolithic studies of the central plateau of Iran, especially based on technology and production organization of pottery, indicate the presence of household production organization among these societies. Raw materials, productions and tools, specialization levels, and exchanges all expose a household production organization and local trading. Also, technologies, manufacturing tools, variety of production, cultural interaction levels, and other characters reveal that Neolithic societies of the central plateau of Iran were small and simple communities and their products were only for their use. In this study, the authors have used and analyzed the data of important Neolithic sites of Central Plateau of Iran, including Sialk (Kashan plain), Chahar Boneh and EbrahimAbad (Qazvin plain) and Pardis and Cheshmeh Ali (Tehran plain); each of this sites has type of local pottery or potteries that indicate household production organization very well. But an exception occurs in this period in the region; common type pottery was present in almost all the region that is so-called Sialk I3-5 pottery. The distribution of this pottery, in the Late Neolithic II period, is inconsistent with what we definition of household production organization, exchanges goods, or technology in the Central Plateau of Iran. In this research, based on Ethnoarchaeology and the presence of full-time non-resident specialists (badgers), it is hypothesized that given that the presence of full-time professional experts requires a consumer community and may occur in densely populated settlements. Neolithic communities of Central Plateau of Iran, in the direction of specialization, can be considered as the first step of complex societies and the similarity of some artifacts such as the pottery, which is only discussed in this paper, due to the presence of specialists who are temporarily present in the settlement areas and provide their services. In this paper we step forward to known household industrial production based on Sialk I3-5 pottery.

The Uruk culture is one of the most significant cultures in Mesopotamia which First in the south of Mesopotamia and spread to other regions, including northern Mesopotamia (Tel Brak, etc.), Iran (Central Zagros, Central Plateau and Southwest), southeastern Turkey (Hacinebi, Hassek Höyük, etc.), northern Syria (Tel Hamoukar, Habuba Kabira, Jebel Aruda, etc.) and even Egypt and the Levant. Guillermo Algaze was the first to make hypotheses about the spread of this culture. Algaze argues that the lands adjacent to southern Mesopotamia underwent dramatic changes in society, politics, and economic organization during the Uruk period, which are influenced by developments in the alluvial lands of the south. However, the role of indigenous capacities is also important So that natural environment of these areas has played a significant role in formation the architecture of the Uruk period and creating architectural features related to the natural environment. Among the features, we can mention the triple plan (as the most important architectural feature related to the natural environment), clay cones and decorative niches, which are the features of southern Mesopotamia. In some areas, such as Godin and Hassek Höyük, an oval courtyard has been obtained which indicates the use of the site and also the use of Uruk architectural features based on the specific geographical conditions of the area of the two sites. This research by descriptive-historical method seeks to assess the question that architecture to what extent can indicate the influence of Uruk culture in neighboring areas? By examining the architecture in the Uruk Sites, it can be said the presence of architectural features along with other cultural elements can indicate the full influence of Uruk culture on a site Which researchers refer to as colony, enclave, or large enclave and Sites that are less architecturally influenced by the influence of Uruk culture; only involved in the Uruk trade network or their use is a trade station (such as Godin Tepe) and most of the indigenous capacities have contributed to the formation of their type of architecture.

The Proto Elamite period is a period in the history of the Iranian plateau, which covers the period from 3300 to 3000 BC. unlike previous periods, This period is located on a large area of the Iranian plateau for the first time, where different societies, used social complexities in an integrated way. Due to the similarity in culture and managerial structure, it can be seen that political connections and affiliation have probably been formed between them. according to limited excavations, Unfortunately the Proto Elamite period cannot be fully described in all these connections. In the present study, the authors are using descriptive-analytical method and collecting information by documentary method from the excavations, seek to find connections based on linear tablets (Proto Elamite) and the role of seal in the Proto Elamite areas which are geographically distant and show a political-economic border, including: Uzbek hill in Qazvin plain (northwest), Shahr-e Sokhteh in Sistan and Baluchestan, Yahya hill in Kerman (southeast), Sofalin Tepe in the east of Tehran province (northeast) and Shush hill in the west of present-day Khuzestan (southwest). According to the analysis of the constituent elements of the tablets of each area, despite preserving the native writing style and range of phonetic names, Common management system and relatively identical seal designs have been developed which are different from other areas. In the previous period (Susa II) nothing similar to the plateau of Iran has been found and it can be guessed that a union based on the geographical structure of the plateau of Iran was formed in the fourth millennium BC. Perhaps the reason for the formation of these connections was political commonalities and common interests between different ethnic groups, these along with other factors such as: ancient roads and natural landscape of Iran, have led to its formation.

In geoarchaeology, a complete and accurate understanding of ancient records can be obtained by identifying and examining the sedimentary content and stratigraphy of archeological layers and materials. This study presents the results of geological studies in Kharashk ancient area site, which aims to provide a general understanding of the local geology of the area, and in particular an awareness of Quaternary alluvial deposits; these deposits also forms surface deposits in the Kharashk ancient site. For this purpose, samples were taken from sedimentary units to determine the mineralogical composition of the sediments and their sedimentological characteristics. In addition to the study of fine-grained alluvial deposits, the final part of this study is devoted to thick deposits of consolidated gravelly sediments located in the lower part of the Kharashk River near its connection with the Sefidroud River, which describes the history of the Kharashk River developments and shows the tectonic and hydrologic changes in the region. The bedrock of Kharashk archaeological site is the volcanic rocks of Karaj formation that its outcrops can be seen in the eastern part of the ancient site of Kharashk, which is represented by conglomerates with morphological and erosional features. The ancient site is located on terraces and high-altitude ancient alluvial fan - hillslope sediments. Cultural and biological evidences on the surface deposits of Kharashk site are composed of pottery, charcoal, and gastropods shell. Small pottery fragments are founded in the alluvial deposits which their position within the sediments is largely orthogonal, indicating their insitu nature.

The Belgian Archaeological Expedition obtained important findings about the Bronze and Iron Ages of Pusht-I Kuh which resulted in the drawing of a chronological framework and understanding the burial traditions of that periods of Pusht-I Kuh. However, an important issue that should be considered, this is that expedition only sought to discover and study cemeteries and no settlement sites were studied. Besides, such cemeteries have often been identified by accident or during scattered surveys and has never been conducted regular and purposeful archeological survey, with aiming to explain the process and quality of cemeteries formation and cultural sequence of Pusht-I Kuh. The purpose of this paper is making clear the time distribution pattern of cemeteries and cultural sequence of Pusht-I Kuh at Bronze and Iron Ages. The present study seeks to answer these questions: What is the time distribution pattern of cemeteries at Pusht-I Kuh at Bronze and Iron Ages? Has the process of formation of cemeteries been continuous or have there been any interruptions in this process? What is the status of the cultural sequence of Pusht-I Kuh in Bronze and Iron Ages? It is assumed, by conducting a purposeful archaeological survey, can be obtained a specific framework regarding the quantitative and qualitative process of cemeteries formation as well as the status of Pusht-I Kuh cultural sequence at these periods. For this purpose, in the winter of 2015, an archaeological survey was conducted. As a result, it was found that the cemeteries were distributed in two time periods, includes the Early Bronze Age cemeteries and Iron Age cemeteries. In the last two centuries of the third millennium B.C. and the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, the process of cemetery formation declined. However, two settlement sites with deposits of Middle and Late Bronze Ages, were identified. During the Late Iron Age, multiplied the number of cemeteries.

The grain storage had always been an important and vital affair in the ancient Near Eastern states. Thousands of administrative tablets related to the grain storage indicate the importance of grain management. How and in what capacity was this done in the Achaemenid Empire? The present paper tries to examine the architectural structures and technology utilized to build storehouses, and the capacity of them by use of archaeological and historical evidence of this period. There is no doubt that the vast territory of the Achaemenid Empire and its inhabitants needed accurate and purposeful management of production, storage and redistribution of agricultural products, especially cereals. In fact, the management of the storehouse’s played a significant role in the economic programs, political and military goals of the Achaemenid Empire. The Persepolis Fortification archive and the Babylonian archives had thousands of texts and many indications about transactions and storage of different types of grains in the royal, central and local storehouses, as well as providing valuable information regarding storage procedure and the amount of incoming and outgoing commodities. These texts show that storehouses were emptied and cleaned annually; also ragged grains were replaced by new products. Meanwhile, archaeologists who excavated the Achaemenid layers of Chogha-mish in Iran, Tell-Jemmeh and other sites in Palestine and Egypt, introduced some of the structures as a storehouse. Present study shows that grain storehouses in different areas of the Achaemenid Empire followed two traditional building patterns: rectangular storehouses or storage rooms where grain was stored in jars, and circular storehouses such as silos. Studies show that rectangular buildings are more local and circular structures are more suitable for central and main storehouses due to structural features for storing large amounts of grains. By calculating the diameter and estimated height of the excavated structures, we can confirm their high capacity, especially for central storehouses, in the Achaemenid period.

Azargashnasab Fire Temple is one of the great buildings of the Sassanid period, which was built on the basis of historical sources and archaeological research by Khosrow 1of the Sassanids in Shiz or today’s Takht-e-Soleiman. There have been many debates by historians and archaeologists about the original location, formation process, time of use, and especially the causes of its extinction or destruction. The present article seeks to answer the ambiguities about the causes of extinction or destruction of this fire temple based on the study of historical texts and re-reading the report of archaeological excavations in the area. Some mention the reason for the extinction of the fire temple as the lack of worshipers and some mention the expansion of the villages around the fire temple around the fourth century AH and the narrowing of the area over the fire temple. In this research, descriptive -analytical method has been used. The results of the research show that the fire temple was extinguished and finally destroyed not due to the lack of worshipers or the expansion of the surrounding village, but probably due to the formation of a new village or town around the end of the fourth or early fifth century AH. In fact, the authors believe that from the time of the occupation of this area by the the Muslims untilthe construction of the Abaqa Khan summer palace, there were two villages or settlements in this area. One of these villages was Zoroastrians who lived in this area from the first century AH to the end of the fourth century AH at the same time as the fire temple, and other village was probably Muslim-Seljuk Turks- who after the destruction of the fire temple and from the fifth century to around the end of the seventh century AH, they were present in this area and the fire temple was probably destroyed and extinguished by the inhabitants of the recent Seljuk village forever.

The reign of Hormizd IV Sassanids (579-590 AD) should be considered a period full of wars and conflicts with other governments and tribes. Here the coins can be considered a valuable document in archaeological data that were not created like the texts for the purpose of re-reading, hence the elemental analysis of coins of this period, especially using the PIXE method, can provide valuable information about the political-economic situation to provide a better analysis of the situation at that time. Since the city of Bishapur is an important and stable city in that era and has one of the most active mints, it was selected as a sample in this study. The coins of the Hormizd IV were Issued in Bishapur in 10 different years, so from each date, 2 coins were selected for testing, and in addition, 2 coins from Khosrow I (531-579 AD) and 2 coins from Khosrow II (591-628 AD) was also added for comparison. The main questions of this research are: 1- Elemental analysis of the coins of Hormizd IV, multiplied by Bishapur, what analysis of the elemental structure of the coins provides? 2- How was the economic power and monetary policies of the Hormizd IV period compared to the reigns of Khosrow I and Khosrow II, relying on Bishapur coins? As a result, it was found that the average amount of silver purity of these coins was 95.25% and the amount of 3.08% copper was added to the metal of the coins to grade it, and also due to the presence of lead (0.05%) and gold (0.90%) in These coins indicated that the silver mines used were in fact lead mines of the Cerussite type. In addition, the lower purity of silver, the high amount of copper and the greater elemental diversity of the coins of Hormizd IV, showed that the quality of coins of that period was lower than the coins of Khosrow I and Khosrow II.

The city of Istakhr, located in a distinct natural bed between Rehmat Mountain and Polvar River, is considered the mother city of the Sassanids and the seat of their ancestors. But little information about the architecture and design of this important city is available. The research problem is the ambiguity in the structure of the city of Istakhar due to the lack of remains on the ground, limited and scattered excavations and individual researches. In the framework of pre-Islamic architectural studies in Fars, this research has chosen a mixed method with a qualitative approach. First, the historical sources have been analyzed with the interpretive-historical method, and the excavation reports and new researches based on today’s technologies have been reread in order to extract the hypothetical map of the city. This map shows that the structure of Sassanid city with northwest-southeast direction is in the form of checkered grid in the western part, which follows the natural form of the defensive wall and becomes radial in the corners. The gates are located along the main streets. The Polvar river is a natural barrier in the north, with bridges along the gates. The early Islamic city destroyed the central core of the Sassanid city and was located on top of it. The irregular and compact network is oriented in the north-south direction and is limited by a square surrounding wall. The city center was around the mosque and the bazar was located next to it. A case-by-case comparison of some important elements or features of the city of Istakhr with similar works such as Bishapur has helped to complete the findings. It seems that the seat of Sasanian government or ritual zone is located in the center of the city. The western part contains large-scale Sasanian ritual remains. Outside the city wall, the outskirts of the city are located, and parallel to the corridor of the Polvar River and the slopes of Takht-e-Rostam, gardens and fields have been expanded in combination with architectural works. Therefore, it seems that the city of Istakhar in the Sassanid period displayed the characteristic of a ritual-governmental city and in the early Islamic period, the characteristic of a spontaneous city.

Numismatic studies always provide researchers with useful and accurate information about the method of production and economic conditions and industrial developments in the field of coin minting. The study of the performance of the mints where these coins had been manufactured is in fact a study of these characteristics from another perspective. In the present study, the mints located in three cities of Hamadan, Tabriz and Soltanieh, given their importance, have been compared through physical and chemical study of the coins produced in these cities. For this reason, 74 Ilkhanid coins from the time of Sultan Abu Sa’id Bahador Khan were selected from these three mints. Descriptive and analytical methods have been used in the present paper and also the non-destructive pXRF test method has been used for elemental analysis of the coins. This analysis seeks to answer these questions: 1) What pattern did the mints of the Abu Sa’id era follow in manufacturing the diameter and weight of the coins, and what was the relation of this possible pattern to the specific patterns of the central government? 2) What information could be gained from laboratory study of elements of these coins by the pXRF instrument, about the political and economic conditions prevailing at that time? The experimental results of the studied coins show that during the reign of Abu Sa’id, the coins were minted in almost similar sizes. The implementation of similar texts and symbols indicates that the coins were minted under a specific pattern. The slight change in the percentage of silver in the coins can be interpreted as political and economic stability during this period. Examination of these coins reveals that the coin number 68 is counterfeit. Also, observation of arsenic in some coins shows that the temperature required to prepare the initial sheets for coinage was lower than the evaporation temperature of arsenic.

Armenia is one of the areas that has undergone successive attacks throughout the history by different ethnic groups and has been confronting with the cultures of other ethnic groups. After repeated attacks by the Ottomans on this land and the migration of this people to Iran during reign of Shah Abbas I, as well as the transfer of privileges by him on the basis of utilizing the Armenians in the economic, political and cultural situations, the establishment of intercultural relations with Iranians and, at the same time, the survival of ethnic identity of Armenians could be observed. This was due to the common historical background of these two ethnic groups in ancient Iran and before the Safavid era, as Armenian territory used to be ruled by the Iranian kings in the ancient era of Iran. The present study is trying to answer the question regarding the different factors that created the intercultural relations between the Iranians and the Armenians of the land of Armenia. Thus, it is assumed that the common historical and cultural backgrounds of Iranians and Armenians of ancient times have led to the interactions between the two ethnic groups during the Safavid period. Regarding the importance of Armenian migration to Iran during the Safavid period, considering the state of their interactions with the Iranians is the essential requirement in carrying out this study. In this respect, the aim of the present study is to identify the bases for the establishment of intercultural relations between the Iranians and Armenians of Armenia, to examine the effective components of the ethnic identity of the Armenians, and also to analyze the cultural commonalities between the Iranians and Armenians. Regarding its aim, this study is based on the developmental approach and for its methodology and nature, it is on historical and descriptive-analytical basis. Hence, it has sought to achieve its aims through desk studies and reliable sources. The obtained results indicate that the Achaemenid and Parthian governments in ancient Iran have had a significant interaction with the lands of Armenia and their common background was due to the interactions of these two ethnic groups in the fields including language, ceremonies, music and architecture. Nevertheless, their identities had independent subjective and objective characteristics that preserved the values and stability of Armenian ethnic identity in Iran during the Safavid period.

The main part of the residential historical context of Tabriz is the common architecture of the Qajar era which a style was expanded that Orosi was one of its widespread elements. Because at the beginning of the Qajar dynasty, during the earthquake of 1780, most of the urban fabric was destroyed, except for a few large historical buildings such as Ark-e Alisha and the Blue Mosque. There are two phases in Qajar architecture: first phase starts from late Safavid and continued to middle Qajar with some changes in details and elements based on time requests and fashion. Many traditions in Persian architecture were preserved and applied in this phase. The second phase sees many architectural elements coming from the West due to courtier knowledge of the West culture. Orosi is one of the important ornamental and applied elements in Persian traditional architecture, especially in Qajar era (1725-1925) which was fading at the end of Qajar. The paper concerns with the study and investigation of five Orosies of Tabriz Qajar traditional houses: Salmasi, Mashrouteh, Qadaki, Heydarzadeh, and Amirnezam. Salmasi house remained from early Qajar (1796-1848), Mashrouteh and Qadaki houses from middle Qajar (1848-1896) and Heydarzadeh and Amirnezam houses from late Qajar (1896-1925). Orosi was used in the reception hall (Tanabi) of these houses. Study and analysis of design and motives in Orosies with a comparative method helps to achieve the basic geometric and ornamental principles of Qajar Orosies in Tabriz and their alterations reasons. This research based on two questions: What are the reasons for the creations and process of changes in the Orosies designs of Qajar houses in Tabriz? What are the characteristic systems, regular patterns and principles in the design of these Orosies? The results showed that the variety of motives in Orosies decreased during the Qajar period, their decorative elements were reduced and the designs of Orosies became simpler. One of the main reasons for this is the changes in the architectural styles and the use of western elements in the architectural design, as well as the addition of new elements to the facade of Qajar buildings.

This paper presents the different architectures of migrant (nomadic) communities in the Southern Zagros region. Full-time poultice communities are good examples for indicating the attempt of a community to adapt to the environment and develop its socio-economical structure. The communities have complex socio-economic structures, requiring a fundamental recognition in all their structural aspects for applying in anthropology and archeology studies. One of the most important issues in the study of full-time poultice communities is that it can specify different aspects of migrant communities in terms of appearance, function, and socio-economic concepts hidden within them, and hence, it can reveal important issues in the study of historical anthropology and adaptation to ancient sites. This study has investigated a clan of the Qashqai tribal Confederacy (union) as a case study and evaluated a wide range of residential habitats and sites on mountainous land and marginal areas of the plains based on the intention pattern of the target community. Finally, different types of a winter habitat (lodging) in the winter quarter, fall craft habitat (lodging) in the winter quarter, spring habitat (lodging) in the winter quarter, summer habitat (lodging) in the country, and spring lodging at the altitudes of the country-side are proposed in conclusions. Different types of architecture are built according to the economic, social and cultural requirements. The most important components of such architecture are black tent, stove, corral, and platform. This study indicates how full-time poultice communities are struggling to achieve harmony with their environment and respect their social and economic interests. Depending on the status and social status of each family in the tribe, the architecture of each tent and the place where the animals are kept are different.  Among these, most of the area belongs to the (khan) or white beard of the group that has a higher rank both economically and socially.