پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال هفدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 68، پاییز 1401)

The purpose of study is to describe and explaine the role of political hypocrisy in the failure of autocratic regimes (Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union before its collapse, and Pahlavi II Iran). The study method is case study and the manifestations of hypocrisy have been described in the three mentioned historical cases and have been compared historically using the method of agreement and difference of Mill. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources and analyzes were presented in a comparative-historical manner.Findings confirm the importance of hypocrisy in the authoritarian failure. Vulnerable regimes have suffered from both the hypocrisy of the leaders and the power apparatus and the hypocrisy of the masses. The regimes in pre-collapse period were lower in terms of the power of repression and, accordingly hypocrisy management, than in more stable periods. The propaganda apparatus of authoritarian regimes has played an important role in strengthening the hypocritical face of the regimes. Scientific and academic systems have been one of the most important factors in exposing the deceptive face of regimes and have played an important role in exposing the behind-the-scenes facts in reducing repression. Rival political wings and the opposition movement have also played an important role in raising public awareness and creating a revolutionary consciousness for collapse. In the case of Nazi Germany, the decline in mutual trust between the elite and the people, as well as the defeat in the war, were major factors in the collapse of the dictatorship.

The present research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the tendency of 18-29-year-old youth in Rasht city to political violence and emphasizing the occurrence and emergence of violent behavior and its intensity. In order to formulate the theoretical framework of the research, Ted Robert gar theories and Johnson's value-system theory have been used. The current research method was quantitative and survey technique. In order to collect research data, a questionnaire was used. The statistical population of the research includes all young people aged 18 to 29 living in the urban areas of Rasht, and in order to determine the size of the statistical sample, 384 of the total 146,754 members of the statistical population were selected through Cochran's formula. In the present research, sampling was done by multi-stage cluster method. For data analysis, descriptive statistics and considering the normality of data distribution, parametric tests, path analysis and SPSS software were used. The obtained data showed that feeling of discrimination, use of media, awareness Political and socio-economic base affects the tendency to political violence. In addition, 31./% of the dependent variable changes are explained by the aforementioned variable

If the members of a society have a low level of political loyalty, the legitimacy and survival of the political system is threatened. Therefore, the current research was conducted with the aim of understanding generational changes in political reference groups and its impact on political loyalty. This research is descriptive, in terms of cross-sectional time, and in terms of survey execution method. The statistical population is the citizens of Kermanshah between the ages of 18 and 60, who were selected for the study using Spss software, with a sample size of 353 people. The sampling method is cluster probability. The results of Cronbach coefficient and confirmatory factor analysis confirm the qualification of the questionnaire. The results of the research show that the root of the difference between generational groups is the generational changes regarding the institution of the family on the first and second generation, the institution of religion of the first and second generation and the third generation, mass media of the first and third generation. In the field of political loyalty, the root of the average difference between generations is related to the first and third generations in such a way that the first generation has more political loyalty. Regression values ​​show that mass media has the greatest impact on political loyalty with a value of 426%. The variable of political awareness and tendency to globalization has an inverse effect on political loyalty and the four dimensions of political socialization index have a positive correlation with political loyalty.

“Collective action” is the capacity and communicative quality of those social actors that fulfill individual determinations through collective determinations building on the understanding and commitments related to the role. As such, they trigger the institutional change resulting in development through incentivizing the political will to accept the “public good.”Centered around the concept of “collective action,” the present study rejects the general arguments in the analysis of the lack of development of the press in Iran that aim at presenting top-down solutions. It contends that the absence of institutional agency via press syndicates, which can be made possible with the participation of all media practitioners, is the missing link of the underdevelopment of the press in Iran.This study covers the time period after June 1997 up to June 2022. The data required were gathered through the conduction of in-depth narrative interviews with journalists as well as building on textual sources and data available in written forms. For data analysis, the narrative analysis method has been used through a thematic model for thematization. Drawing on the mixed purposive sampling method, an effort has been made to ensure compatibility sampling to achieve representativeness.The results signify that in press syndicates, “antagonizing” connections with other power centers are replaced by relationships with the “co-workers” that often eliminate the possibility of a consensus for taking essential steps and furthering impactful collective action, or significantly minimize such possibilities.Also, the unsustainable development processes of the press, especially in associations and syndicates, lack the “effective connection of the constituents” that hamper the institution-building of the collective action. Identity-oriented and professional resources are not attached to material resources, and as such cannot result in “hegemonic actions” and the emergence of institutional agency required for solidifying the development discourses.

For explaining Iranian transmission from the ancient period to the Middle Ages, we can adopt different approaches, of which Habermas's' structure of consciousness theory is one of them. Using this theory, the forward paper came to the conclusion that in the transmission of ancient mythical consciousness to the Middle Ages religious consciousness, Iranian political thought never cut its connection to metaphysics. In the ancient epoch, myths and Zoroastrianism were the most important sources of Iranian political thought, whereas, in the Middle Ages, Islamic sharia took this role. If, in the ancient period, the shah was pivotal in Iranian political thought, in the Islamic period, the prophet, in Ibn Sina, and the sage in Suhrawardi's view, got this place. In addition, in the ancient era, there was a general law known as Aša that governed simultaneously nature and society, whereas in the Middle Ages the sharia wore this cloth. The main question is how we can analyze the nature of worldview transmission from ancient to Islamic Iran. We hypothesized that the nature of transmission from ancient Iran to the Islamic period could be explained by Rationalization theory, i.e. Iran moved from a mythical worldview based on a dual vision to the Islamic worldview based on a monotheistic insight. The research method that we employed is a critical method that is mainly used by Frankfort school thinkers, including Habermas.

The majority of the current concepts in the field of World Politics have been constructed in the West context and mainly have been universal for modernists. In this field, there is a lack of concepts that have been extracted from the theoretical and non-theoretical (historic or political conduct) Iranian tradition. One of the reasons for the lack of efforts in political conceptualizing is the shortage of requisite ideational and theoretical foundations in the field of vernacular political thought. Therefore, one of the requisite tools for political conceptualizing and theorizing is extracting some foundations from the subject of study.Among ideational traditions in Iran, mysticism is one of the pure traditions, and accordingly extracted conceptions from this tradition can be pure and different, too. This purity can lead vernacular political concepts to be different from the current concepts in the West scientific tradition. In the Iranian mystical tradition, “Masnavi Manavi” has some metaphysical foundations that can be the basis of political conceptualizations. Among them, the main metaphysical foundations in the ideational system of Molavi is a kind of holistic and allegorical approach that will be explained and applied in this research. Therefore, in this research, we try to explain the concepts of Maniat and Eshkastegi based on the holistic and allegorical approach of Molavi.There are some articles in Persian about allegory and mysticism in Molavi’s works. In this field, ‘Yousef Poor and Mohammadi have addressed the role of allegories of “water” and “light” in explaining the enigma of the existence of god, as a unit essence, in Masnavi Manavi (Yousef Poor and Mohammadi, 1390: 211-235). Qaemi has explained the link between philosophical allegoricalism and allegorical literature in the narrative structure of Masnavi Manavi (Qaemi, 1389: 48-66). In the West scientific tradition, Molavi has been named ‘Sufi’ or ‘Rumi’. There are some works in English about Molavi's thoughts and life. In this field, Milani has described what is called Sufism in modern politics, in his book (Milani, 2018). Also, Elmehrab has studied Sufism in classical politics (Elmehrab, 2022).There are more researches like the mentioned works above, but what makes it different and novel the current research is trying to think about politics from Molavi’s perspective. Despite the prolific general literature on Molavi in Iran and beyond the borders of Iran, there is a lack of literature about political concepts from Molavi’s perspective. Due to this vacuity, the current research is trying to extract and explain the political concepts from Msnavi Manavi. Therefore, the current research has been arranged into two main parts: the first part is dedicated to extracting and constructing the political conceptualization foundations from Masnavi Manavi, and based on that, the second part, has been explained the extracted concepts of Maniat and Eshkastegi.Epistemology and methodologyMetaphysically, Molavi has a holistic ontology and allegorical epistemology in Masnavi Manavi. Ideationally, in addition to the epistemological aspect, allegory is a kind of method for Molavi and Masnavi Manavi has been constructed and written based on that. By this method, Molavi refers to similar aspects of Moshabah-on-beh and Moshabah and then infers a similar outcome for the topic.Has been applied Molavi’s method in this research explains World Politics. Accordingly, Molavi’s approach to the relation between whole and part is considered as Moshabah-on-beh, and interaction between political units and world political order is considered as Moshabah of the allegory.As an allegory, as Maniat in the action of the jackal, peacock, and shah can threaten their existence, Maniat in the foreign interaction of political unities in the world political order can jeopardize their existence. Discussion and findingsDespite Molavi's criticism of politics, it is possible to extract some foundations for researching and conceptualization in politics, by considering and applying the holistic and allegorical approach of Molavi on the metaphysical world order.By applying the allegorical approach of Molavi, we can spread Molavi’s perspective to World Politics, and based on that research and conceptualization in the political science field would be possible. By applying the mentioned approach in current research, it has been realized and explained the concepts of Maniat and Eshkastegi, as the extracted concepts from Masnavi Manavi, in the political science field.From Molavi’s perspective, Maniat in the action and foreign behavior of political units in World Politics, as a whole, eventuate to limitation of liberty of political actors and abolishing them by the other actors. In more detail, not only disproportional Maniat, based on the Jackal allegory, but also proportional Maniat, based on the peacock allegory, can result in limiting and abolishing the actors.On the other side, Eshkastegi in the behavior and interaction of political actors in World Politics eventuate to the relative desired result that is different in two kinds of this action. Devotional Eshkastegi, by considering the Nakhchiran[5] allegory, can ensure the survival of actors, but it can result in the isolation of actors in the world political system. Weighted Eshkastgi, based on the Fox allegory, can preserve actors from isolation in the world political system, in addition to ensuring their survival. From Molavi’s perspective, in the foreign interaction of political units in the world political system, Maniat is an undesirable action, and Eshkastegi is a desirable action. In conclusion, according to desirability, as a criterion, the action of political units can range along a spectrum that weighted Eshkastegi is at one end, and disproportional Maniat is at the other end of the spectrum.ConclusionApplying Molavi’s perspective in the foreign policy of the actors can be criticized because Eshkastegi in the foreign relations of actors can extend conservatism in the world political system and consolidate the status quo of the international structure. From this perspective, going to extremes in foreign policy, in form of disproportional Maniat and devotional Eshkastegi, cannot eventuate the desirable results for political actors in the world political system. Disproportional Maniat jeopardizes the existence of political actors, and devotional Eshkastegi can be miscalculated by other actors as appeasement policy and embolden them to encroach on the actors that have applied Eshkastegi in their foreign policy.In the middle of the spectrum, weighted Eshkastegi is a reasonable policy, but proportional Maniat can be a reasonable policy too because can eventuate the ascension of political actors in the world cycle of power. Therefore, from a moderate perspective, both weighted Eshkastegi and proportional Maniat, according to time and place, are appropriate policies that can be applied by political actors in their foreign interaction. Finally, as the research agenda, the foreign policy of the different states can be the issue of the case study or comparative study, in the framework of the mentioned quadruple policies.

In this article, one of the main dimensions of political development, i.e. political culture, is considered, and among the various factors influencing political development, the factor of religion and its smaller behavioral level, i.e., religiosity - due to the religiousness of the Iranian society and government, and of course the contradictory results in The effect of religiosity on political culture is emphasized. The main hypotheses of the research were presented as follows. the type of religiosity based on reading and understanding of the religion determines the political culture based on reading and understanding of political culture. So that kind of strict religiosity, moderate and tolerant resulted in strict, moderate and tolerant political culture And with the increase of religiosity, the type of political culture of people becomes moderate. research method is survey and data collection tool is questionnaire as closed interview. The statistical population is people in Tehran, 384 peoples with probability sampling of the 60 random blocks of 22 districts of Tehran were selected. Structural equation model and path analysis were used in data analysis using Amos software. Among the two research hypotheses, the first hypothesis was confirmed, the type of reading and understanding of religion and political culture has a decisive role in determining the relationship between the type of religiosity and the type of political culture. Therefore, in order to achieve a developed political culture and ultimately political development in Iran, it is necessary and necessary to achieve a kind of moderate religiosity.