پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
سال یازدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 22، بهار و تابستان 1402)

During the previous years the geo-politic of South Asia has been a scene for competition of New-Delhi and Beijing thanks to the latter’s the Belt and Road Initiative. India views the initiative a threat for its national interests; on the one hand it could challenge India’s plan for becoming regional hegemony and on the other hand the initiative could weaken India’s position in the international system. For these reasons, New-Delhi has adopted some policies in which prevent China to become a regional hegemony through the Belt and Road Initiative and meanwhile improve its own position regionally and internationally. Accordingly, the main question of the research is what are India’s policies in order to confront threats of China’s belt and Road initiative? The hypothesis is that in order to confront the Belt and Road Initiative and China increasingly power in the framework of this initiative, India has adopted some policies and strategies in foreign policy arena such as creating competing commercial corridors, development of maritime transport infrastructures, strengthen economic convergence with regional countries, increase naval power and influence, strengthen regional multilateralism with the aim of expanding technical and trade cooperation also trans-regional coalition, with the aim of balance of power. The research method is qualitative based on analytical- explanatory approach. The qualitative data was collected from library and internet resources. Also theory of balance of power was utilized in order to analyze the subject matter.

Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.

Undoubtedly today terrorism is an important player in the international arena. A strategic look at the waves of terrorism in the world shows strong evidence for the emergence of a new wave of terrorism in the world. the present article seeks to answer the main question of what the fifth wave of terrorism will be in the region of West Asia and North Africa. Based on what has worked as terrorism in the region of West Asia and North Africa in the 21st century, "semi-state terrorism" seems to be the new wave of terrorism. A wave that controls parts of the territory of a weak state and maintains its rule there, as well as carrying out terrorist attacks against other countries. According to the global terrorism wave indices, in order to consider the fifth wave, the new terrorism phenomenon must be global, have the same driving force, and also be significantly different from the previous wave. It is obvious that semi-state terrorism, as a new wave of terrorism, is different from the fourth wave of religious terrorist groups. This aspect of terrorism prioritizes land control, participates in a wider range of government and governance activities (not just social services), seeks more power, and has takfiri ideologies. Finally, the article concludes that the phenomenon of semi-state terrorism has the potential to become a global wave if it continues to spread.

Middle East; Complex regions, with an intertwined structure and the structure of the international system, which includes the security of the region as well as the foundation of international relations of states in the future. The aim, therefore, is to answer the question of what effect the polarization developments in the international system between 1980 and 2021 have had on the conflicts and security of the Middle East? It can be said that the Middle East region is facing a pervasive and comprehensive insecurity due to the internal situation and the structure of the international system, so such regions can not, in terms of security, the impact of the international system on their orientations, policies and strategies. To prevent. In the current era of the international system, this influence on the Middle East sub-system has been very special. The findings of this study are based on the fact that with the disappearance of the bipolar system in 1991 and the emergence of the US-led unipolar system, the Middle East has experienced systemic turmoil, and the monopoly system (US) in 1991-2021 more than the bipolar system (America and the Soviet Union) In the years 1980-1991, he was influential in creating conflict and war in the Middle East. The expansion of the depth and scope of political, social, economic, and cultural instability in the Middle East is one of the consequences of such a situation. The research method is descriptive-analytical and using library resources.

Procedural Principles Ruling the Utilization of Tigris-Euphrates River Basin. Procedural principles represent a normative framework and play a notable role in regulating water law. In addition, procedural principles could help in preventing the occurrence of disputes. Cooperation, evaluation of environmental impacts and the principle of information and consultation with related countries are the most important procedural principles. These obligations reflect customary rules of law and also are specified in many bilateral, multilateral and international documents. Considering procedural principles together with the practice of Tigris-Euphrates basin countries illustrates that although the neighbouring countries are members of multiple international and bilateral agreements and organs, but in practice the region lacks an effective and sustainable approach in implementing the procedural obligations, which has been leaded to negative impacts on substantial obligations such as no harm and equitable and reasonable utilization.Tigris and Euphrates basin, Procedural Principles, Obligation to Cooperation, Obligation to Evaluate Environmental Impacts, Obligation to Information and Consultation

Shahnameh is a valuable historical document in the field of diplomatic relations between Iran and other great governments in ancient times. In this great book, one can clearly see how diplomats played a role in the expansion of political relations between governments. This article tries to address the small number of cases in which lady diplomats were sent from one court to another. Based on this research, 9 lady envoys can be found throughout the stories of Shahnameh. By narrating the missions of each of the lady envoys and analyzing the content of these accounts, the author recounts their behavioral characteristics and how these lady diplomats carried out the mission. Among the results of this study, it can be noted that although sending women as envoys was not very common, but in the existing stories, these diplomats have been able to complete their missions successfully. It can also be seen in all these stories that women diplomats, without the need to show masculine behavior, have been able to do their job properly while maintaining feminine characteristics. The three main characteristics of "perspicacity, secrecy and peace-making", along with wisdom, ingenuity, intelligence, knowledge of political issues, eloquence, neatness, honesty and awareness of diplomatic etiquette have been the main characteristics of these envoys.

Iran’s Nuclear Program (INP) has attracted many eyes and thoughts. While much ink has been spilled on its evolution and its impact on the international security and the middle-eastern politics, it seems there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of this multi-dimensional crisis. Such an unfortunate poverty is no more obvious than in the framing INP by the media. In fact, the impacts of media on conflicts and crisis in general, and on INP in particular, has been recently devalued. Thus, a voyage of the connections of the media framing and INP has been so far intact. The present study is an attempt to give a historical narrative on how the media have framed the trajectory of INP. We will accomplish this mission by locating the impacts of media on INP within an examination of the larger historical context. In this framework, the proposed work will undertake tracing the history of the ebbs and flows within the media—i.e., CNN and Fox News— coverage of INP, explaining how media covered INP. On this reading, the present work is a historiography. It provides a theoretical plot to narrate a story, a story of the history of INP through the lens of media.

Measuring the level of power of countries and comparing them with each other is one of the topics studied in geopolitical knowledge. Geopolitical knowledge means the optimal use of geographical sources of power in relations between actors. Therefore, the main question of the research is how the economic power of France is compared to its regional competitors? To answer this question, the research method has been used descriptively-analytically and its purpose has been applied. The present study is conducted in two dimensions. In the first stage, the required information was studied through documentary study and libraries. Then, the goals, important strategies to achieve the goals and capabilities of France's economic power were entered into the Meta-SWOT software; Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the competitive advantage of French economic power compared to regional competitors in Europe. The results show that according to the advantages and capabilities of France in comparison with the countries in question, there is a kind of competitiveness that can depict the level of economic power of France according to the resources and capabilities of other countries in the region. The obtained results show that the most important advantages of France's power over competitors (Norway, Belgium, Croatia, Czech Republic, Germany, England, etc.) include innovation capacity, high-tech export, scientific technology level, investment attraction. Foreign and knowledge-based economies have been the most strategic resources and economic capabilities to become economic power, respectively. And variables such as doubts and uncertainty that people have about the social and economic situation, the existing economic structure, controlling high unemployment rates, slow economic growth are considered to be the most persistent problem facing the economic power of France. Global market dominance, global trade share with 4 points, Gini index with 3.9 points, GDP and overseas investment with 3.7 points, economic complexity with 3.6 points, high-tech exports with 3.5 points, respectively, the most strategic France's economic resources and capabilities have been to become an economic power. The comparison of France's level of competition with other European competitors showed that Norway, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland had the highest level of economic competition with France.

At the beginning of the 21st century, Latin America experienced an unprecedented wave of victories by leftist presidential candidates. Turning left is a significant development in an area where strong neoliberal political and economic policies emerged after the Cold War. The main purpose of this study is to explain the various causes and factors for the emergence of new leftist governments in Latin America. The main question of this study is, "How did the new leftist governments come to power in Latin America, and what were the factors influencing the left turn in the region?". The hypothesis is that "various national, regional, and international factors have contributed to the left turn in Latin America, and the rise of these new leftist has had significant national and regional implications". The conceptual framework of this research is the World-Systems Theory of John Foran and to study the details, we have used the descriptive-analytical research method. According to the results of this study, the return of leftism in Latin America in the period 1998-2010 was due to long-term structural factors, such as inequality and institutional democracy; There have also been short-term factors such as the inefficiency of the neoliberal economic model in the region and the economic crisis of 1998-2002. The boom in basic goods after 2002 also provided the resources needed to consolidate the dominance of left-wing parties.

The 20-year period of US presence in Afghanistan after 2001 was one of the periods in which conflict and insecurity continued to prevail in Afghanistan. Various factors can be mentioned for this insecurity, one of which has been the competition of foreign actors in Afghanistan.The present study seeks to answer the question of what consequences the US-Iranian rivalry and conflict have had for Afghanistan's national security?The research hypothesis is that the US-Iran conflict in Afghanistan has weakened Afghanistan's national security by increasing the armed conflict, weakening the Afghan government , and reducing the growth of trade relations between Iran and Afghanistan.To test the hypothesis, the theoretical framework of national security and explanatory method have been used. In this regard, on the one hand, some regional and international issues in dispute between the two countries and on the other hand, some differences between them regarding Afghanistan, have provided the ground for competition and conflict between them in Afghanistan.Therefore, the policy of the two countries towards Afghanistan has a completely security basis and the pursuit of the parties to ensure their national interests has led them to act against each other's interests in Afghanistan.The findings show that these measures have implications for Afghanistan's national security in military, political and economic dimensions.

This study attempts to provide a new interpretation of the phenomenon of jihad in contemporary Afghanistan. With the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Afghan people waged jihad against the Soviet Union and its dictatorial regime in Afghanistan. Jihad is a category that has a long history in Afghanistan. The process of producing the myth of jihad began in the 1970s. The process of producing the myth of jihad took place in the social conscious of Afghan society and through icons. Icons are symbols that evoke the whole work on the myth behind it. In this regard, we can name three icons for the myth of jihad: the icon of colonialism, the icon of mercenary and handcuffed government and the icon of the oppressed. The myth of jihad led to the construction of the political cause by transforming religious groups into political entities and creating antagonism and otherness. The political myth of jihad mobilized religious groups and turned them into political groups. The other, created by the myth of jihad, was seen as an enemy to be fought. Eventually this process led to the fall of the communist government in Afghanistan.

Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) of Islamic Republic of Iran’s(IRI) missile operation against military base of United States of America (USA) called, Ain al-Assad, following the US drone strike and martyrdom of Genaral Haj Qasem Soleimani and some of other islam defendants, has raised various opinions considering the legitimacy of the action in question. Countermeasure, self-defence and consent are three circumstances that have been raised in legal teachings and doctrines regarding the said issue. Pursuant to customary international law and article 20 of International law commission’s draft articles on international responsibility of states for international wrongful act (ARSIWA 2001), Iraq’s consent authorizes that the islamic republic of iran’s operation in iraq’s territory, does not violate territorial integrity of Iraq and does not consider as intervention in its internal affairs. Countermeasures can not affect state obligation not to use of force and demand of Islamic community of IRI for hard revenge, does not mean that the missile action is a reprisal, as in some doctrines has been said. Regarding the seriality of US internationally wrongful acts in this regard and the evidences that show the commitment of more similar wrongs, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s action is the legitimate self-defence as the inherent right has been explicited in article 51 of the UN charter. This should not be regarded as pre-emptive (anticipatory) or preventive defence but as a chain of infringements by the US makes that the IRI act would be considered self-defence which is legitimate and legal in international law.

The international community organization with a "systemic approach" to it consists of the following systems whose analysis and future research of their actions is of great importance for experts in the field of international relations. A systemic approach to analyzing international phenomena is based on understanding their totality. Accordingly, an understanding of the sources or, as the present article points out, the "genes" that make up the systems of member organizations of the International Community is essential to understanding their "perceptions" and "best selections." An attempt was made to present new theories for the analysis of phenomena in the international arena and look at the system with a comprehensive approach and its material and semantic elements should be considered in presenting a theory with the title of "ontological selection". In presenting these theoretical systems, attention was drawn to all analytical elements which should have been considered to present a theoretical system; In fact, were considered the concepts of anthropology, ontology, epistemology, and methodology as well as levels of analysis. Besides, was the attention to the "teleos" which is the result of the materialistic or semantic construction of the identities, ideologies, and goals of the systems. In the following article also attention to deviate from the teleos which has been effective in understanding, analyzing and futurology of actions of systems; as well as attention to the others' actors semantic processes. Believes that by understanding the perceptions and teleological choices of systems, we will be able to analyze and research the future of their actions; Obviously, the proposed theoretical system should be used to analyze various phenomena, which the author will focus on in the future.

Since the early 1990s, China has moved its energy supply to develop and expand cooperation with countries in the MENA region. The country also intensified its cooperation with the countries of the MENA region in 2004 by establishing the Arab-Chinese Cooperation Forum. China's economic presence in the MENA region is growing. The main question of the article is how will the Chinese military-security presence in the MENA region increase? The paper hypothesizes that China's growing economic presence and investment require a military presence to secure it. Findings show that increasing China's interests in the MENA region (maintaining energy security, protecting half a million citizens and investment companies) will be the main reason for the increase in China's security-military presence and influence in the MENA region. By applying the theory of realism and descriptive-analytical method, the relevant issues will be tried and examined. The documentary method will also be the basis for collecting material in this article.

This article aims to re-think the main arguments on Russian Middle East policy. According to the mainstream views, the West plays a pivotal role in shaping Russia's Middle East policy, and Moscow's presence in the Middle East has largely been interlinked to Russia’s changing relations with the United States. Not having considering the international dynamics and complexities of the changing Middle East geopolitics, these contributions continue to argue that Russian Middle East presence is highly intended to challenge the United States and revive the Soviet’s sphere of influence throughout the region. In contrast, this paper offers a multidimensional and multivariable contribution, emphasizes on the regionalization of politics and security in the Middle East and the growing role of regional actors and emerging dynamics that inevitably lead to different options, interests and concerns which necessitates the engagement of great powers, especially Russia. According to regionalization of great powers engagement, Russia's Middle East policy and its increasing intervention in regional developments are influenced by political, security and economic dynamics within the Middle East that has increasingly become the driving force behind a variety of opportunities and threats such as terrorism, energy, arms sales, and foreign relations with the regional states. For Russia, this strong presence in the Middle East does not necessarily mean a return to the revisionist and hegemonic policy of Soviet engagement in the cold war era.

Justice and Development Party's Given the geopolitical situation, Territorial geography Connecting to Europe and proximity to Russia and the Middle East On the one hand, and exploiting ideological issues, And historical and cultural commonalities on the other, Foreign policy development is pursued aimed at achieving regional hegemony, Access to energy resources and takeover of Middle Eastern markets, Which challenged both the existing order in the region and relations with Iran, So this article is trying to investigate AKP policies and their effects on Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East? This article has covered with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library and documentary information to investigate AKP foreign policy in the region. Research data show That the AKP is trying to do Emphasizing on ideological issues and taking advantage of the role of religion in expanding its influence in the peripheral areas, And on the other hand, it seeks to increase its relative power and increase its acting power in the Middle East Emphasizing structural and geopolitical features, That creates a kind of competition and conflict while working with the Islamic Republic of Iran And direct and indirect effects Both structurally and identically It has influence on Iran and its spheres of influence in the region.

Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) is one of the largest dams in the whole world, located in Turkish Kurdistan.Delphi method andBarryBuzan’s regional security complex theorywere used as our research methods. The question we’re addressing in this study is “what are the implications of GAP for Kurds' political participationand Turkey’s national identity?”Based on the research hypothesis, the answer to the research question is that GAP can improve Kurds’ political participation, reduce PKK activities, and change the military nature of Kurds’ attempts to political ones. But GAP won’t lead to a common national identity in Turkey. Delphi results with 60% of the vote suggested that GAP has no impact on PKK activities and it hasn’t improved the political participation of Kurds.Delphi results with 73% of the vote indicated the negative effects of GAP on Kurdish identity. Also, Delphi's results with 82% of the vote showed that GAP didn’t lead to a common national identity in Turkey. GAP had not any significant effect on PKK activities and Kurds’ political participation, and these are affected by other parameters. GAP has adverse consequences for Kurdish identity including the destruction of Kurdish antiquities which are a part of their identity. The identity crisis in Turkey is the result of the denial of Kurdish identity by the Turkish government and acts of violence, lack of racial, cultural, historical, and linguistic affinity of the Kurds with the Turks, and the forced inclusion of the Kurds within the political borders of Turkey. Therefore, due to the suppressive attitude of the Turkish government toward Kurdish regions, approaches such as assimilation and projects like GAP will not yield a common national identity in the country.

Human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran are one of Iran's main challenges to the international system, and a wide range of human rights issues have been raised in the form of Special Rapporteurs' reports, UN Secretary-General's reports, and UN General Assembly resolutions. Therefore, considering the dominance of neoliberal institutionalism logic over the existing world order, and the central position of the United Nations in the established order, this study uses the method of documentary review, examines human rights claims against the Islamic Republic of Iran and proposes possible scenarios and operational strategies. To overcome the challenge situation, it deals with three levels: short-term, medium-term and long-term. The findings of this study indicate that although some aspects and contexts of the challenge are rooted in discourse elements as well as different metaphorical language of Iranian human rights discourse and the international system, however, there are several ways to minimize human rights tensions between Iran. And there is an international system and while preserving Islamic and Iranian values in the field of human rights, it is possible to prevent human rights claims and create international challenges for the country

The Iran-Iraq war, which Tooke place at one of the most critical moments in history, during the Cold War, provoked various reactions from political actors, especially the neighbors of the two countries and the Arab countries. Given the importance and geopolitical conditions of Syria for the warring parties, its position in this war has been geopolitically explained as the research issue of this study. For this research, data were collected using the library method. Data analysis is descriptive-analytical methods based on analysis tools adapted from geopolitical science. The findings of the study indicate that Syria, although it has always had tacit support for Iran since the Islamic Revolution, but different geopolitical conditions, especially the field conditions of the war have led to three different types of behavior during the war. The different stances of each period have provided special geopolitical opportunities and challenges for the warring parties and Syria itself, thus affecting the geopolitical balance of the war by creating different geopolitical consequences. Syria Not only did not take a stand solely on the basis of its ideological commonalities during the ideological period of Cold War, but it also took full advantage of the geo-economic opportunities of the war. On the other hand, Syria's deep support for Iran in the second phase of the war led to the formation of the axis of resistance centered on the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the most important pillars of maintaining Bashar al-Assad's power in Syria today.

In recent years, the accelerated production of SHELL Oil has led to US Oil Independency alongside with fundamental changes in the oil market (acceleration in Oil supply and Constant decline of prices). But this oil independence has also led to fundamental changes in the US political and security perspective toward of oil-rich countries. Exerting maximum pressure for removing Iranian and Venezuelan oil from world markets is a clear indication of this change in US policy. The adherence of other countries (oil producers and consumers) with the United States also indicates the stability of US hegemony in the international arena. Therefore, by stating the conditions of the crude oil market, we provide an overview of the current situation of the crude oil market which indicates the existence of surplus oil for a long period time which reduces the probability of supply shocks in the oil market. On the other hand, by expressing the American hegemony from various aspects, we conclude that by using its power, the United States can impose its policies on the oil market without fearing the oil supply disruptions, and seize part of the market of oil rich countries. In the following, we introduce an index (which indicates the degree of political and economic alignment of oil-producing countries with the United States policies) in order to examine the US economic and political relations with oil-producing countries, and based on this index we introduce Russia as the next potential target for the United States at the oil market. Finally, by designing a dynamic game with complete information, we examine the choices of Iran and the United States for removing Iran from the oil market and then we evaluate the current strategy of Iran and the United States (which has led to elimination of Iran from the oil market) and the consequences of each action (US) and reactions (Iran) during this Oil game (war) in short-term, medium-term and long-term periods.