نشریه علوم سیاسی
سال بیست و پنجم شماره 3 (پیاپی 99، پاییز 1401)

The present research aims to design a model for the political intelligence of the managers of governmental companies in terms of the effective governance model. This is an applied study with respect to its objective, and a mixed study with respect to its method. In the qualitative part, the statistical population includes 15 experts; that is, senior managers of the governmental section, and in the quantitative part, it includes the managers and employees of governmental organizations. Of these, a sample of 384 individuals was selected. The main tool for data collection in the qualitative part is semi-structured interview, and the in the quantitative part is the researcher-made questionnaire. The validity of the questionnaire was confirmed through the content validation method. To assess the reliability of the questionnaire, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient was calculated. The hypotheses were tested with the technique of partial least squares and the PLS software. The results of the qualitative analysis includes 15 themes: language games, stress management, practical knowledge, organizational changes, having a political character, manipulation of feelings, human resources, explicit truthfulness, entrepreneurship, power dynamics, manipulation of information, social games, economic factors, policies and laws, and organizational culture. In accordance with the obtained results, the themes were put on 8 levels. Then, 15 hypotheses were put forward, which were analyzed and then confirmed by drawing on structural equations.

The present research gives an answer to the following fundamental question: How could the ontological view of the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran affect the definition of Iran’s strategic depth? To answer the question, we should first study the foundations of the ontological security of Iran with a focus on the Iranian Constitution and (as a corollary) the views of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei. We then consider the impact of this ontological security on the foreign policy of Iran in general, and its strategic depth in particular. The results indicate that the ontological identity and security of Iran includes the following principles: priority of its Islamic dimension over its Iranian dimension; enmity of Israel; enmity of the US; anti-colonialism and non-committal to the great powers; the significance of Palestine for the Islamic world and the importance of the Axis of Resistance. These characteristics of the identity of the Islamic Republic result in ontological and physical security threats from the US, Israel, and the regional powers that are allied with them. As a consequence, Iran devises its strategic depth to counter these threats. It goes without saying that the military threats arising from these identity contradictions remarkably contribute to the formation of this strategic depth and the spheres of influence. The Islamic Republic prioritizes identity issues, and according to religious and ideological principles, under vital circumstances, this identity security is prior to physical security. To fulfill its ontological and physical security, the Islamic Republic of Iran pursues the deepening of its strategic depth. At present, it does so with the aim of inhibiting and countering the threats of its actual regional enemy; that is, Israel.

The Abraham Accords, also known as the joint statement of Washington, Tel Aviv, Emirates, and Bahrain, was an initiative by Donald Trump, the former US president, which was made on August 13, 2020. Etiologically speaking, the Abraham Accords resulted from the Iran-Israel conflicts, which led to the rapprochement between Israel and the Persian Gulf countries. As for its security ramifications, the Abraham Accords will be most effective on the regional security of Western Asia. In this research, we identify the grounds of the formation of the Abrahams Accords, diagnose the factors that contributed to its formation, the phenomenon of Trumpism, and the future of the Abrahams Accords and its impact on the regional security of Western Asia. The main question of this research is: What reasons and causes led to the formation of the Abraham Accords and how would it affect the regional security of Western Asia? The present research is an applied study with respect to its objective. Data collection was carried out through observation, reading, and indexing. Moreover, in its nature, the research is descriptive and analytic, using the theoretical model of the balance of threat. The findings show that the Abraham Accords resulted from Trump’s deal of the century and normalization of relations between some Arabic countries, such as United Arabs Emirates and Bahrain, and Tel Aviv. As for its security implications, the Accords leads to a redefinition of the regional order and a new blocking of power in Hebrew-Arabic countries and the coalition against the Islamic Republic of Iran.

A history study of the modern state shows that such a system has led to some sort of political-social stability in Western societies. Nevertheless, some existentialist thinkers such as Karl Jaspers have criticized the foundations of modernism and hence the modern state. Jaspers believes that a state grounded in political modernity results in a mass politics and a deficiency in the genuine human autonomy and freedom because it is dominated by techniques, lacks realism, has biased conceptions of the human condition, and lacks the ability to establish proper relations between people. By criticizing this political system, Jaspers tries to pave the path for an increased human role in politics. The main question of the present research is: What are the main critiques of the foundations of modernism and the modern state in Jaspers’s work and what are his suggestions for alleviation of its negative repercussions? This research draws on the descriptive-analytic method to show that, in Jaspers’s political thought, there are two factors that facilitate individual and social growth: historical understanding and human self-conscious rationality. By deploying these tools, and a proper political training, the government will be able to minimize the threats of a modern mass society.

Kalila and Demna is an ancient text dating back to the ancient period of Iranian culture and thought. It was always studied and many translations and paraphrases have produced for the work. Apart from linguistic and formal differences, there are also conceptual differences as well as differences in how the material is articulated. The present research aims to inquire into the concept of critical dialogue with the power in the section on the king and Fanza in the translations produced by Muhammad ʿAbd Allah al-Bukhari and Nasr Allah al-Munshi as well as Waʿiz al-Kashifi’s paraphrase. It studies how and why they differ given the theme of this section. The method of this research is descriptive and analytic, along with textual analysis and close reading in the framework of the theories of the sociology of knowledge. The findings show that the historical, political, cultural, and social circumstances in which the translators lived affected the manner of dialogue with the political power such that we can see changes from explicit criticism of the king in Bidpai stories to prolixity and indirect implicit talk in al-Munshi’s Kalila and Demna, and extreme implicitness and roundabout talk in Anwar Suhayli in the critique of the political power.

The present research concerns the spread of excommunicationist terrorism to Iran and its impact on the national security as a malign problem. The method of the research is descriptive and analytic. The findings show that since the spread of excommunicationist terrorism is a malign problem, the solutions to it should be adopted in terms of malign problems. For this reason, the central government must view the spread of excommunicationist terrorism to the Iranian boundaries as a malign problem and adopt policies and solutions with a cooperative approach so that it can manage the problem with the collaboration of all the interested groups. Otherwise, the problem has the potential to become a super-malign problem.

The present research draws a systemic model of the formation of ethnic violence. In this dynamical model, ethnic violence is induced by varieties of deprivations and impoverishments, leadership, the phenomenological environment of the ethnicity’s mind, governmental suppression, international factors, demographic factors, and enticements for riots. The roles of the varieties of violence-inducing deprivations have been specified in this model as well as their relations with other variables. The method of the research is descriptive and analytic. In the first step, an analysis is provided for the role of governmental crackdown, the government’s perception of the notion of riot, and its impact on political, social, demographic, and cultural-social discriminations. On the other hand, identity enticements for riots and the variable of the leadership of an ethnic group are also characterized as factors contributing to the rise of ethnic violence. On the next level, ethnic population density in a particular geographical region as well as international support for an ethnic group are described as variables contributing to ethnic violence. On the final level, the systemic model of the rise of ethnic violence and riots as well as their associated variables are introduced, in addition to factors such as the prominence of ethnic identity, globalization-caused deprivations, the group’s perception of the riot process, and enticements for riot as contributing to ethnic violence. It seems that a proper connection of this social system and specification of the variables contributing to ethnic violence are serious steps toward a proper management of contradictions on the world and regional stages. The systemic model presented in this research can be deployed as a theoretical framework for studying the global ethnic groups.

The present research concerns the relation between the fragile state in Yemen and the spread of Salafism in the country. The method of the research is descriptive and analytic. The findings indicate that since fragile governments fail to accomplish their vital tasks, such as exercise of authority and provision of services, they lack adequate legitimacy and are incapable of exploiting the resources of the country. As a result, they face a crisis of national solidarity and national identity. Overall, as a consequence of the fragility of the government of Yemen due to the disruption of its authority and legitimacy, and ultimately, the incapacity of the government, non-governmental actors, particularly Islamist groups, do the governmental tasks. Given the regional support of Salafism, particularly by Saudi Arabia, as well as the political act of international actors and instrumental deployment of Jihadi Salafists, these groups enjoy an ideological potential and the power to provide services in regions in which the government lacks authority and legitimacy. This has led to the spread of Salafist groups in the region. However, this is not to ignore the impact of other factors on the growth or decline of Salafist groups