نشریه جستارهای سیاسی معاصر
سال چهاردهم شماره 3 (پیاپی 49، پاییز 1402)

The victory of the Islamic revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic regime  in led Iran to support the Islamic liberation movements and then allies with some them. The most important of which were Lebanon's Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Palestine, but this was followed by Iran's unification with Syria. This paper intends to explore this question:  what has the Iranian resistance in the axis of resistance affected the ideological interests and priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main discussion of the paper is that the axis of resistance has led to the provision of Islamic ideological and Islamic ideological interests and priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, by using library and Internet resources and descriptive-analytical methods, the paper attempts to use theory of constructivism on alliance and coalition. The findings of the research indicate that Iran's most important interests and priorities in the alliance with its allies in the resistance axis are: Strengthening the independence and the dignity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, strengthening the Palestinian cause, upholding the rights of the Palestinians and uniting the Islamic world, strengthening the culture and identity of resistance at the level of the international system, Revision of Western arrangements and norms governing the international system and efforts to strengthen their status revolutionary Islamic order  and to cope with the supremacy of Saudi Arabia at the regional level.

Russia-US security rivalry is growing sharply in areas such as Eastern Europe (Ukraine crisis), the Middle East (Syria crisis). The Middle East region has become a priority in Russia's foreign policy since 2015 with the serious Russian military presence in Syria. The main question of the present study is what effect has the security rivalry between Russia and the United States in the Middle East had on the security order in the Middle East? The research hypothesis is that the Middle East, especially the Persian Gulf, has a special place in the US security strategy. Russia's efforts to infiltrate the region over the past two decades have intensified US-Russian security rivalries, pushing security arrangements in the region toward a multipolar (balanced / unbalanced) order. Using the theoretical framework of Mersheimer's aggressive realism, the security rivalry between Russia and the United States in the Middle East was examined. The data collection method is library and the research method is analytical. The findings of the study suggest that Russia's re-entry into the Middle East has intensified US-Russian security competition, leading to a shift in security arrangements in the Middle East toward an unbalanced multipolar order.

This article assesses the opportunities and obstacles of resource geographical, economics and political aspects of Iran’s gas export in Turkey from a muti-disciplinary perspective. Iran has gigantic gas resources which can elevates Iran’s economy. The applied qualitative methodology is descriptive-analytical by benefitting from SWOT research method and energy security of the supplied countries such as Iran as a theoretical framework. The current reserved gas resources and production volume and assesses the opportunities and constraints of Iran energy actors in the same market regarding to the multi-disciplinary studies. The results indicate that Iran possesses gigantic gas reserve volume and fields. The Tabriz-Ankara pipeline contributes to exporting gas to Turkey. However, the sanctions on Iran’s economy have not allowed the development of gas infrastructures. Increased demand in Turkey and high prices have contributed to rise of Iran’s revenues even though the transit issues undermine it. Political competition is a part of Iran and Turkey relations although there exists cooperation between them. The findings indicate that the long-term oil indexation price mechanism and high gas prices have provided a chance to achieve energy revenues. Moreover, by reducing the political disputes, Iran finds a suitable market to reduce the sanctions and international forces.

The common perception among scholars is that although the northern and southern lands of the Arabian Peninsula had a long history of state formation, the ignorant Arabs of the Hejaz lived in statelessness until the resurrection of the Messenger of God and the invitation of the religion of Islam, the first The form of government was established in Medina. In this study, assuming the state in the most general sense that it includes any rational and customary order of political order, has shown that the history of the formation of the state, at least, more than two hundred years ago Islam and the domination of the Quraysh tribe that Hejaz is one of the purest Arab tribes, he returns. Qusay ibn Kalab ibn Marah or Quraysh was the one who saved the Quraysh families from dispersal and united them in the form of the establishment of a tribal political system and made the city of Mecca as the center of its rule. In addition to the political order, he organized the city of Mecca economically and religiously with the idea of ​​Al-Nadwa. Thus, many indicators of government formation can be seen in pre-Islamic pre-Islamic Arabia. Basically, the most important reason for Makyan to have a government is the intensity of the opposition of the polytheists and infidels to the invitation of the Messenger of God before and after his migration to Medina.

One of the distinctive features of contemporary political jurisprudence is the detection of new concepts in the jurisprudence heritage and their re-evaluation according to current requirements. Allegiance is one of the basic concepts and the most important element in the contemporary Sunni political jurisprudence system, which according to them, has a special place due to its harmony with modern ideas, as well as evidence in Islamic texts, as well as public and elite acceptance. . By explaining the concept of allegiance to the democratic ruler, they referred it to the contract between the ruler and the people and presented two interpretations of representation and representation of the Ummah. The current research, using the method of content analysis with the approach of developmental research, while ignoring the historical background of the fulfillment of allegiance, aims to answer the question of how the conceptual capacity and potential of allegiance in enduring the democratic tendency can be evaluated and explained. ? The finding of the research is that in terms of analyzing the degree of resilience of this concept in relation to the democratic trend, some challenges and bottlenecks such as the validity of the pledge of allegiance, the incompatibility of this analysis with the Quranic application and also the ambiguity among the people of marriage and marriage, the number And there are conditions that come close to the attitude of elitism and elite domination.

The purpose of the research is to design a model for strengthening the political capital of public administrators, which is descriptive-exploratory and mixed research in terms of practical purpose, and in terms of data collection. According to the principle of theoretical adequacy, 11 people were selected for the interview with the non-probability sampling method. In the quantitative part, the questionnaire was distributed among 25 experts. The results showed that the characteristics of managers, including: respect for people's rights, religiosity and religious thought, justice, work health, political attitude, economic management and transparency and accurate information to people have an independent role in the model, and factors Political support of parties and... from the government, acceptability and personality, authority and executive power, political legitimacy, social capital, attention to the development and development of the country, people's trust, cultural capital and general participation of the people in elections, and..... ... had a dependent role in the model.

In a sociological approach, social classes are known as one of the effective political factors, the extent of which depends on the power of the government and the nature of the classes. Social classes change according to the variable of time and place and factors such as industrial development, modernization, level of education, international interactions, etc., and of course, it is possible that the ruling power may change according to the political attitude and in order to create social support for itself. , to revolutionize social blocking. As Pahlavi II tried to change the social class block in Iran from traditional to modern in order to patronize education.Although he did not succeed in this. The purpose of this research is to investigate the interaction between politics and social classes in the Pahlavi period. In this article, by using Marx's theory, we have addressed the issue of what were the goals of the Second Pahlavi in creating the transformation of social classes? In line with the proposed question, this hypothesis was evaluated that (it seems that the goals of the Second Pahlavi in the direction of change Blocking of social classes from traditional to modern is in the direction of patronage, which has not been successful in this matter)). The mentioned hypothesis was investigated using reliable and written sources and the findings of the article indicate that the created classes did not support the strategies of the second Pahlavi and gradually became against the Pahlavi system and joined the opposition in the political transformation.

The importance of the constitutionalism movement in Iran and the thoughts governing it is one of the topics that is of great importance in the field of political thought. To understand the theoretical foundations of the supporters and opponents of constitutionalism, it is very important to refer to the letters and books of the two groups and to understand their thoughts. In the context of the relevant time, it is useful to help. Although many jurists of the constitutional era participated in the movement and the constitutional system, and took a practical and scientific position about it, but two features make Seyyed Abdul Hossein Mojtahed Lari distinguished from them: 1. People's military mobilization in line with the goals of constitutionalism; 2. His special perception of the constitutional system, which was somewhat different from the perception and expectations of other constitutionalist scholars from that system. The abundance of his political writings - which of course is not limited to the constitution - has been one of the features that have provided the basis for paying attention to his personality and political thought. Seyyed wrote treatises to defend his desired constitution, and the Treatise on Legitimate Constitutional Law and the Treatise on Law in the Unity of the State and the Nation are the most important treatises of Seyed Lari in explaining his views on the Constitution and the Shura Assembly. From Seyed's point of view, the Constitution had a completely religious character Basically, there was a fundamental difference with the views of the constitutional scholars of Tehran and Najaf.