نشریه محیط شناسی راهبردی جمهوری اسلامی ایران
سال هفتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 25، زمستان 1402)

Since the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, relations between Washington and Tehran have been consistently hostile, with the potential for conflict between the two countries often apparent. While the actions of the US in each period have been influenced by the discourse and foreign policy of each president, there has been a noticeable consistency in their overall approach. This approach can be described as a Brinkmanship Strategy (Confrontation to the brink of disaster), with the goal of pressuring Iran into compromising or abandoning its goals and ideals. The research question based on this assumption is that: What has been the main strategy shaping America's confrontation with Iran and the Islamic Republic's strategy against it? The hypothesis of the article is that the root of all American actions stems from the brinkmanship strategy, which includes three aspects: sanctions, military threats, and consensus-building. In response, Iran has employed a strategy of strategic patience, leading to economic resistance, increasing regional influence, and deterring American military action. The approach of this paper is qualitative and its research method is descriptive - analytical.

One of the geopolitical developments after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the South Caucasus was the conflict between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Karabakh region, which led to two wars. The first Karabakh war between 1988 and 1994 and the second war in 2020 resulted in two completely different results for the parties. If in the first war, in addition to Karabagh, Armenia captured seven other regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan outside of Karabagh; With the defeat in the second war, he was forced to liberate the occupied lands of Azerbaijan after several decades. In the recent war, both sides signed a ceasefire agreement (November 10, 2020) with the mediation of Russia; But the recapture of Nagorno-Karabakh and the defeat of Armenia, the geopolitical games formed after the ceasefire agreement, as well as the new policies of Azerbaijan and Turkey, have made the future of the crisis in this region ambiguous and complicated. Using the game theory, the present research seeks to answer the question that based on the convergence and divergence of stakeholders, what is the future available for the Karabakh crisis? The research approach is exploratory and using the method of structure and strategy of stakeholders to answer this question. The data collection method is based on a semi-structured expert questionnaire. Based on software analysis, the intervention of regional and international actors and the conflicting interests of each of the actors in this region have caused the complexity and instrumentalization of the crisis, and the continuation of the crisis will cause its consequences to spread to other regional security complexes. became.

The defeat in the 33 and 22 day wars against Hezbollah and Hamas institutionalized this definite understanding in the minds of the Israeli authorities That due to the different definition of the concept of threat and the culture of martyrdom, a mere military confrontation with the axis of resistance will result in nothing but defeat for this regime. Therefore, the question addressed in this article is what is Israel's strategy to strengthen its deterrence strategy in facing the axis of resistance and Iran? In response to this question, the hypothesis of the article in the framework of the theory of complex deterrence is that Israel's fear of falling into the trap of deterrence in direct confrontation with the axis of resistance in the West Asian region has caused Israel with the aim of delegitimizing the ideals of the axis of resistance, to adopt a strategy take alliance with Iran's neighbors.

Ensuring the security and cohesion of a nation is a fundamental and crucial concern for any governing system. Civic participation in maintaining security is a key factor influenced by various elements, including economic factors. This study aims to identify the economic indicators that affect public participation in domestic security based on theoretical foundations and research. To achieve this goal, a qualitative approach based on the integrative review method was employed. The researcher gathered information by systematically reviewing domestic and international studies, extracting articles related to economic factors affecting public participation in national security. In total, 152 final studies were examined, and 26 economic indicators affecting public participation in domestic security across six dimensions—economic, law enforcement, political, social, cultural, and environmental—were identified. The analyses reveal that government efforts to control inflation, reduce poverty and social inequality, economic empowerment, income distribution, financial corruption control, and economic transparency, as well as strengthening the private sector to stimulate production and workforce, are among the economic factors that significantly impact the level of civic participation in establishing and maintaining domestic security. The theoretical model of these factors is presented in this study.

BRICS is an alliance of five developing countries, Brazil, Russia, China, India and South Africa, which have reached the level of advanced countries in the international system. Considering their economic growth and economic power, these countries do not consider their share of the Bretton Woods institutions of the international economy to be appropriate for their economy, therefore they seek to reform the existing institutions of the international political economy. This article is descriptive and analytical using From the latest reliable international data, it has answered the question that how does the group want to change the order of the international political economy according to its expectations and expectations?The findings show that the BRICS group has had a great impact on international developments. During the transition from the hegemony of the United States to the multilateralist system in the international system, from 2008 until now, it has been able to change the structure and agenda of the major institutions representing the international order by putting the economy as the basis for change. Institution building parallel to the international order; increase its structural power and while strengthening its presence and influence in these institutions, increase multilateralism in some issues and move in the direction of creating its desired order.

This study uses the hybrid method to design a Toofan Al Aqsa operation model as a new paradigm of resistance for Islamic countries. The current research is developmental in terms of its purpose; In terms of approach, it is done qualitatively and based on meta-synthesis. Based on this, the statistical population of the research includes a collection of articles that have been published from 2020 to 2023 on the subject of Zionism, the Islamic world, Palestine, and the resistance front. The authors selected 71 articles out of 376 by searching among domestic and foreign scientific databases, and after analyzing their content, categories, and concepts were extracted and their prioritization was done using Shannon's entropy method. Based on the findings 49 concepts were identified in the form of 8 categories and were separated in the form of two categories of external front and internal front factors. Reconstruction of the strategic relations of Islamic countries (strategic de-escalation), decline of the normalization project with the Zionist regime, limited tactical action, geopolitical fragility, weak strategic depth, internal crises of the Zionist regime, reverse migration, and manpower crisis had the highest coefficient of importance, respectively. It seems that with the application of such components, a pragmatic model can be achieved in the struggle and resistance against the Zionist regime in other Islamic countries.