فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال دوازدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 46، زمستان 1402)

The logic of deterrence as one of the solutions and control systems to prevent war has been challenged by the proliferation of tactical nuclear weapons. On the other hand, coercion means trying to influence another's behavior by using force or threat of force. The question that arises is whether tactical nuclear weapons as a means of strategic coercion have brought the international system into the era of nuclear coercion? The main goal of this research is to achieve a theoretical model in the form of a theoretical model in order to analyze the variables and finally understand the important role of tactical nuclear weapons in contemporary international politics. The research method is descriptive and analytical and corresponds to two steps; In the first step, an attempt is made to examine a theoretical model called the state of structural complexity, which is considered a kind of theoretical arrangement by the author, in order to study the cross-sectional state of the international order (after the Cold War until now) and in The second step related to analysis, relationship and correlation between variables should be examined. According to the research hypothesis, statistics and current trends, it can be claimed that tactical nuclear weapons in the conditions of structural complexity and increased probability of strategic surprise among governments as an efficient tool for applying coercion without possibility they are considered mutual assured destruction.

After the end of the Cold War, the international system was placed in a state of structural complexity due to variables such as the unipolar structure of the international system, the development of technology, and the development of the international system. According to these changes in the international system, we are witnessing a change in the control system of nuclear deterrence due to the Proliferation of nuclear weapons. The question that arises is whether tactical nuclear weapons as a tool of strategic coercion have brought the international system into the era of nuclear coercion? According to the hypothesis of this research, it can be claimed that tactical nuclear weapons in the conditions of structural complexity and increased probability of strategic surprise among governments are considered as an efficient tool to apply coercion without the possibility of mutual assured destruction.

In this research, by emphasizing the theoretical foundations of the state of structural complexity, it is possible to see the act of coercion very differently from the classical system. In structural complexity, instead of the Newtonian and materialistic perspective, it is tried to pay attention to phenomena such as power dynamics and the nature of the international system from a social and semantic framework. When discussing the socialization of the structure of the international system, it means that the actors of the international system use identity and social tools to gain, maintain and increase power. In the past, due to the existence of rationality and predictability, the strategy of coercion was only applied by governments in cases where they could bring reasons based on the rationality of a tool for it. Elements such as non-linear dynamics, coordination and adaptation, unexpected qualities and affairs, and social role networks can each be a stimulus for adopting coercive strategies in contemporary international politics. For example, non-linear dynamics can play a role in creating an imbalance between inputs and outputs, and ultimately, governments will suffer a strategic surprise.

The method of this research is to first describe the state of the international order so that it can be examined in the step related to the analysis, connection and correlation between the variables. Data collection is based on the library method.

According to the current statistics and trends, it can be claimed that tactical nuclear weapons are considered as an efficient tool for coercion without the possibility of mutual mutual destruction in the conditions of structural complexity and increased probability of strategic surprise among the states. The number of tactical nuclear weapons was in a sharp decline between 1980-1990. This downward trend was more due to the arms control regime of medium-range nuclear forces in 1987 between the United States of America and the Soviet Union. At the operational level, this regime required the removal of ballistic and land-based cruise missiles with a range between 500 and 5500 km in a period of three years, along with launchers and related equipment. In a unique feature, it covered nuclear, conventional and dual-use systems, some of which could be considered purely tactical in mission. this decreasing trend has had an increasing trend from 2000 to 2023. The security environment has become very complicated after the weakening of the weapons control regime of medium-range nuclear forces. According to these statistics, there are indications that several countries equipped with nuclear weapons may be thinking of returning to tactical nuclear weapons. For example, some United States and multinational experts and officials explicitly want to increase the tactical capabilities of nuclear weapons.

 The production process of this type of weapons according to published statistics and information can promise the importance of this type of weapons for the purpose of nuclear coercion of states against each other for political interests and compensation for the consequences of negligence. to be strategic in the contemporary international system. The author's only suggestion to return to the era of deterrence is that the states possessing tactical nuclear weapons establish a regime of control and removal of tactical nuclear weapons in order to maintain the deterrence system as in the Cold War period.

Kurdistan region of Iraq has been one of the most disputed regions in the western neighborhood of Iran, which is also adjacent to Iranian Kurdistan from the east. This issue has caused tensions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kurdistan Region every few years. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to understand the situation of the Kurdistan region of Iraq in terms of opportunities and threats it has for the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is clear understanding the above issue is important and necessary to strengthen and understand the type of confrontation of the Islamic Republic with the Kurdistan Region in order to obtain more and better national interests. Therefore, the main question of this article has been raised as follows: What are the opportunities and threats of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq? The findings indicate that at 4 cultural, economic, geopolitical and security levels, relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq have created opportunities and challenges that, according to the foreign policy apparatus of both sides, these opportunities They can become a threat or vice versa. However, it seems that in the form of threats, most of them are summarized in the relationship between the Kurdistan Region and Israel and the Iraqi Kurdistan's struggle for independence. In both cases, the active diplomacy of the Islamic Republic can turn these threats into opportunities with proper management. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical.

The Kurdistan region of the Republic of Iraq (KRI), which borders Iranian Kurdistan to the east, has long been a disputed area on the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)'s western borders. This issue fuels tensions between KRI and IRI every few years. This study aims to identify and discuss the opportunities and threats that KRI offers and poses to IRI. Therefore, the study findings help us understand how IRI treats KRI to ensure more and better IRI's national interests. The main research question is as follows: What are the opportunities and threats that IRI finds and faces in KRI?

Countries traditionally take two different approaches to foreign policy in international relations: realism and idealism. A “realist" foreign policy prioritizes national security and national interests over ideology and morality. Realists view foreign policy from the perspective of interests rather than values. This implies that they focus more on a country’s foreign policy and less on its domestic policy. In practice, realists prioritize their primary interests, such as security and prosperity, in their relations with foreign countries, and place less emphasis on what these governments do within their borders. By contrast, an idealist approach to foreign policy holds that the foreign policy of a country should primarily reflect its moral and philosophical values. If a government endeavors to combat poverty, protect human rights, and promote religious liberty domestically, because it believes that these are just or moral stands, it must also attempt to accomplish these goals overseas. Idealists believe that this will eventually lead to a more peaceful world. They believe that they should actively engage in international affairs to share the values they cherish throughout the world and shape other nations so that they also reflect these values.

This study employed a descriptive-analytical method to achieve its objectives.

The study findings indicate that there are opportunities and challenges related to the relations between IRI and KRI on cultural, economic, geopolitical, and security levels. The foreign policy attitudes of both parties can convert these opportunities into threats or these threats into opportunities. In any case, it seems that most of the threats have their roots in the relations between KRI and Israel and in the attempt by KRI to achieve independence. In both cases, proper management of IRI's active diplomacy can transform these threats into opportunities.

In addition to its common borders with Iran and its location inside Iraq, KRI is one of the areas that have historical and cultural ties to IRI. After the fall of the Baathist regime in Iraq, IRI recognized the high economic and trade potential KRI and started economic relations with it. These relations are still continuing. Geopolitics has been one of the main opportunities for IRI to establish relations with KRI. However, as mentioned above, it can also be considered a threat due to KRI's appeasement of IRI's opposition groups and its interactions with Israel. Israel is constantly creating security and political threats throughout the region to weaken IRI's power and expand its own power all the more with the idea of a Greater Israel and the slogan of "From the Nile to the Euphrates."  Therefore, KRI's interactions and relations with this regime are considered a threat to IRI. Another threat is the efforts made by KRI to gain independence from Iraq. Given KRI's possible objectives of establishing an independent Kurdish state, not only will Israel not cause KRI to form an independent state, but it may serve as the main obstacle to the realization of KRI's independence from Iraq. The reason for this is that if Israel supports KRI's independence from Iraq, it will heighten the sensitivity of Iraq's internal factions and will probably cause them to take action against the establishment of an independent Kurdistan state on the former Iraqi territory and also against the other countries in the region. Under no conditions can it be economically viable for KRI to ally itself with a regional power other than Iran. Therefore, clarification is required to identify the opportunities and threats. This will allow IRI, by taking into consideration the strategic infrastructure in northern Iraq, to prepare the ground for improving and upgrading its relations with KRI in order to achieve its national interests and improve its national security

Politics has been affected by studies of emotions and cognitions. This discussion in the field of politics in the framework of political psychology has found a special point in the studies of politics in general and foreign policy in particular. Therefore; the previous duality of reason/ emotion is rejected, and these are, not only not in conflict with each other, but for decision-making, the emotional and rational-reasoning parts of the brain are engaged together. One of the variables that provokes emotions is historical lived experiences that affect cognitions and may appear in behavior as consequences. The object of this research is to investigate the role of emotions in Iran's foreign policy decisions. The main question is, which emotions have played more role in cognitions in Iran's foreign policy? Generally, five types of emotions that were caused by the historical lived experience of Iranians can be examined in the formal and informal behavior of this country. These emotions are mistrust and anger (toward the United States of America), doubt and hidden sadness (toward Russia), confidence (toward China), fear (deterrence and increasing military capabilities), and love and Empathy (regarding some aligned identities in the region and axis of resistance). This paper will answer the main question by applying the point of view of "emotional politics" theorists

Paying attention to emotion-affected behaviors of human beings in politics is a relatively old subject. The study of political psychology points out the role of emotions in politicians' aspects of personality, the factors that affect their decisions and the effects that such decisions have on people's collective life. The subject of the relationship between emotion and perception in politics has earned a special place in political psychology, generally in political studies and particularly in foreign policies. Therefore, former confrontations of reason and emotion are refused. Not only they are not in opposition, but emotional and rational parts of the brain should get involved together. One of the variables that provokes emotions is historical lived experience. It affects perceptions and consequently may show in behaviors. Iran's foreign policy after the revolution is a reflection of historical national emotions in a collective spirit. In other words, inflicted wounds on Iranians' emotions throughout history, who have suffered massive offenses, are noticeable in Iran's macro foreign political orientations after the Islamic revolution. So, this research tries to answer the following question: "How does the subject of emotions affect Iran's foreign policy, people or politicians?" If you analyze foreign policy from a historical and accumulative view and also analyze the role of emotions over a long period, novel aspects would appear for research. From this point of view, Iran's foreign policy after the revolution should be considered a reflection of the national and religious emotions of residents of Iran's current geographical region, that directly or indirectly affects foreign behaviors of governments. Hereof, If the foundations of the identity of citizens and those who are not political elites, national or religious, get overshadowed, the pressure of public opinion may manifest in politicians' behaviors. On the other hand, active politicians of a country have emotions of their own as human beings, so their effect on the foreign behavior of a country can show in two scenarios: First, in decisions made by the effect of emotions in their viewpoint and the formation of their political personalities. Second, their attitude toward other politicians in the process of advancing diplomacy and communicating with leaders of other countries.
 Theoretical Framework:

To analyze the role of foreign policy, three stages can be reviewed: 1) Emotions and decision-making: The role of emotions in the process of decision-making can provide a foundation for understanding the effects of immaterial motives on decisions and the way of conducting them; some emotions create powerful motivators. For example, the emotion of anger can make people willful to punish offenders or seek revenge. 2) Emotions and diplomacy: There is an approach focusing on the matter of how people in direct negotiations with senior foreign leaders' judge their intentions based on the emotional phrases they use. Another approach focuses on the effects of emotional expression on the social dynamics of diplomacy. Leaders negotiating with foreign partners mostly need to judge the intentions of the opposite party. 3) Emotions and non-elites in foreign policy: Emotions can also affect the process of decision-making in foreign policy by affecting public opinion. Emotional reactions to occurrences can gather people around a political agenda and create new demands for their leaders to act upon.

 A Method is a way of addressing the subject of a theory. As ontology, epistemologies and various epistemological goals are effective in the general methods of wisdom and at the widest level of methodology, different scientific theories affect the research method of understanding the subjects that the theories refer to. Generally, method and theory are related to each other; 1) Their relationship is "directing the method of research" because of the type of research. 2) Theory and method are related to each other because they both belong to "concepts". 3) Method and theory are related to each other because they both belong to theoretical perceptions. Therefore, the method of this research, about the theoretical framework, is based on a qualitative, historical and analytical method.

Nowadays, it is an emerging matter in foreign policy to study how emotions can mold political perceptions, interests and behaviors of actors and how international actors may try to manipulate, restrain or employ emotions for their political goals. we can measure some of the most important perceptions and tangible manifestations of Iran's foreign behavior based on emotions/ emotional policy in a historical context and based on historical lived experiences. we can categorize this policy by viewing it in a historical context: 1) Trusting (China) because of the history of relationships between the two countries demonstrating that they don't seek imperialistic goals in Iran and both countries are involved in peaceful coexistence. 2) Distrusting (USA) referred to as the "troublesome past" is a live, still active past and current matters are addressed considering the former animosities that are continued. 3) Doubting (Russia) is a challenging matter among people and government. Public opinion is doubtful about relationships with that country considering their near and far memories of it. 4) Empathy (for liberation movements) is based on the Iranians' spirit and Shia culture that considers believing in justice, confronting oppression and supporting the oppressed as elements that reproduce Iran's political power and are the most highlighted elements of the resistance's political language. 5) Insecurity/ fear (about military doctrines) is a result of bitter historical experiences of being targeted by attacks, foreign infiltration, occupation and war. They all result in adopting military doctrines.

The matter of interference of emotions and feelings in politics and foreign policy was a result of the confrontation between reason and emotion which put emotions against reason and rationality. That viewpoint saw emotions as an irrational obstacle that blocks logic and rational judgment. Even in a positive view, emotions used to be seen as irrelevant variables to politics. In the most negative view, emotions have been believed to disrupt or prevent neutral stances in politics and effective political results. However, studies by experts in the field of emotions came to an opposite conclusion. Emotions exist in all aspects of political life, political person and consequently governments. In this research, we tried to study Iran's foreign policy from an "emotional politics" point of view. We identified at least five emotions by reviewing Iran's history and historical lived experiences: Trust, distrust, doubt, fear and empathy. In the end, we concluded that emotions have been effective on Iran's foreign policy after the revolution on two levels, non-elites (people) and elites (politicians).

The Democratic Party won a narrow victory in January 2021, forming the 117th US Congress. Joe Biden's success in the presidential election and his desire to revive JCPOA profoundly influenced the US Congress, especially the Republicans. Considering the Congress's vital role in the formation of foreign policy through permissions to establish legal infrastructure, regulations, and supervisory practices, this study explored how exactly the legislative practices of the 117th US Congress affected the US foreign policy orientation against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Both domestic institutions and international factors affect the formation of the US foreign policy. Based on a Neo-Classical Realist approach, this study demonstrated that the 117th Congress, influenced by the Zionist lobby, has extensively attempted to counteract the Biden Administration's efforts to revive the JCPOA. Moreover, Congress pushed for restrictions on Iran's missile program, drone advancements, and regional presence by introducing obligatory reporting processes for the aforementioned purposes in Congressional bills and regulations. Accordingly, the US Congress has actively advocated for the prevention of Iranian oil trade, despite the opportunities created after the Russian sanctions. Similarly, the US Congress has used its authority to support Iranian demonstrators, denounce how they were treated by Iran's government, and put pressure on the US government to free political prisoners.

The US Congress plays a major role in the formation of the US foreign policy approach to Iran based on its legislative and supervisory power over the US administration. The US Congress has built the necessary legal framework and authorized measures over time to successfully impose sanctions on Iran. In addition to passing anti-Iranian laws like ISA, INARA, and KATSA, it has greatly influenced diplomatic relations with Iran. The Congress has also funded and authorized US businesses to target Iran's political and economic interests. The US Congress can easily take advantage of legislative measures and budget allocation procedures to impose stringent restrictions on operations of the US administration, including foreign policy affairs. This study aims to investigate the role of the 117th US Congress and its effect on the US foreign policy orientation to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Unlike the neorealist approach, the neoclassical approach considers different factors from several layers and is not restricted to international constituents. Rather, the neoclassical perspective acknowledges that a country's foreign policy may be influenced and redirected by its relationship with other states and societies, strategic culture, the personal opinions of its leaders, and domestic institutions. Considering the multiplicity of influential factors, it can be concluded that decision-making is a complicated process that is rigorously constrained and strongly influenced by domestic politics. Accordingly, neoclassical realism prescribes revisiting two different analytical layers; while the international layer is considered an analytical priority, the domestic environment gains momentum as an intervening variable. Instead of proposing a general theory of international politics, neoclassical realism intends to investigate the foreign policy behaviors of given states. Focusing on state interventions and mediations in foreign policy, neoclassical realism views states as vertical entities where systemic factors play an important role in shaping foreign policy behaviors. Building on neoclassical realism, this study investigates the legislative role of the 117th US Congress and its effect on the US foreign policy orientation toward the Islamic Republic of Iran.

This descriptive-analytical study employed the above-mentioned theoretical framework to investigate the role of American domestic institutions in the US foreign policy. Thus, the main research question was how the legislative conduct of the 117th US Congress influenced the foreign policy orientation of the Biden Administration toward the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Legislative measures of the US Congress account for the most important factor affecting the US foreign policy by generating executive limits, commitments, and requirements in the foreign policy exercises. The US Congress can direct the foreign policy approaches of the US government by ratifying specific acts. Additionally, Congress has the constitutional authority to oversee the US government's executive branch, including its foreign policy decisions. The 117th Congress has passed 54 bills and 23 resolutions against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Among them, 36 bills and 16 resolutions were passed by the House of Representatives and 18 bills and 7 resolutions were passed by the Senate. The party-wise distribution of the bills and resolutions denotes a substantial difference; the Republicans have actively organized 48 bills and 13 resolutions against Iran, whereas the Democrats were the main organizers of 8 bills and 10 resolutions. Four broad topics have been covered by these US Congress legislative measures, i.e., “preventing Biden’s return to JCPOA”, “Iranian missile and drone programs”, “regional influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran”, and “human rights”. Statistically, Congress has passed 19 bills and 9 resolutions to prevent Biden’s possible return to JCPOA, 6 bills and 3 resolutions to contain Iranian missile and drone programs, 11 bills and 2 resolutions to hinder the growing regional influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and 4 bills and 8 resolutions regarding the subjects of human rights. Considering the extensive efforts of the Israeli lobby against Iran, the study found a bipartisan consensus on all topics, except the JCPOA revival.

Based on neoclassical realism, the US Congress is one of the most important domestic political institutions affecting the US foreign policy. Congress has always taken advantage of its supervisory and legislative authority to influence foreign policy execution and decision-making processes. In particular, the 117th Congress has introduced new restrictions on four key areas—nuclear activities, drones and missiles, regional influence, and human rights—in an effort to sway US foreign policy toward Iran. The main focus of anti-Iranian efforts in the 117th Congress has been to prevent the Biden administration from potentially reviving the JCPOA. Consequently, the 117th Congress sought to adopt several legislative measures to redirect the Biden administration’s foreign policy approach to JCPOA. First, any agreement with Iran was declared to be contingent upon US Congress approval. Second, Congress restricted the authority of the US president in lifting or wavering sanctions to diminish the imagined interest of Iran in the talks and possible revival of the JCPOA. Furthermore, the 117th Congress set a series of obligations for the Biden administration to impose several arms embargos, develop joint air defense systems with regional allies against Iranian missile and drone capabilities, encounter the regional influence of the Islamic Republic, and support internal unrest and demonstrations.

The Cultural Relativism Doctrine is a challenging concept that questions the universalist claims made in international human rights documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. According to this doctrine, human rights, as interpreted and conceived in the West, may not be universally acceptable for non-Western societies. Within cultural relativism, a subset called “Africanism” seeks to present its own acceptable narrative of human rights by emphasizing the principles and cultural commonalities specific to the African continent. Africanism has different views on cultural relativism, ranging from minimal to moderate and maximal perspectives. These views raise questions about the legitimacy of the global human rights paradigm. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights also reflects this theoretical tension to a certain degree. Considering the modern African context and culture, it can be inferred that a middle-ground perspective based on intercultural cooperation and dialogue is the best way to address the challenges arising from this issue. During the post-colonial era, the traditional mechanism of safeguarding human dignity has proven ineffective and insufficient in Africa. Additionally, the interconnectedness of civil-political rights with social-economic rights appears to be a valid prioritization of various human rights types.

This academic paper delves into the tension between cultural relativism and the universality of human rights, with a significant focus on the African perspective. The dominant human rights paradigm, rooted in Enlightenment philosophy, strongly emphasizes universality. However, cultural relativism challenges this notion, suggesting Western-centric values may be interpreted differently in non-Western societies. Africanism, a branch of cultural relativism, seeks to establish an alternative human rights narrative deeply rooted in African principles and shared cultural values. A spectrum of Africanist viewpoints on cultural relativism, ranging from minimalist to maximalist, is revealed in this debate, which finds partial reflection in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. The paper asserts that a middle-ground approach, which places intercultural dialogue and collaboration at its core, holds the most promise for addressing the challenges posed by cultural relativism in contemporary Africa. Traditional mechanisms for upholding human dignity are considered insufficient in the post-colonial era. Moreover, the prioritization of various human rights suggests a potential convergence between civil and political rights with social and economic rights.The prevailing human rights paradigm stems from Enlightenment philosophy, particularly the ideas of Immanuel Kant. This framework emphasizes inherent and inseparable characteristics that define human rights. Belief in universal human nature, without cultural particularities, has resulted in universal human rights, implying inherent rights held by all humans, irrespective of gender, race, or culture. These rights demand respect and protection from everyone, especially governments. However, the rise of post-Enlightenment thinkers challenged the concept of a universal human subject. They proposed the "empirical subject," a human defined by their relationship with the surrounding world. One such relationship is with culture. Cultural relativism seeks to redefine the dominant human rights narrative, often perceived as "Western," to suit the needs of diverse cultures better. Proponents of cultural relativism argue against the universality of human rights, suggesting that imposing Western values can be detrimental. They advocate for respecting cultural differences in norms, values, and interactions, even if it challenges the notion of universal human rights implementation. An example of cultural relativism is the concept of "Asian values," a political ideology that emerged in the late 20th century. It emphasized the shared societal, cultural, and historical elements of Southeast and East Asian nations. Similarly, Africanism strives to counter the perceived dominance of Western values and human rights principles by drawing on the African continent's unique principles and shared cultural values. Developing culturally informed human rights narratives, despite potential risks of government exploitation, can lead to broader acceptance and application when grounded in sound philosophical, historical, and theoretical foundations. By learning from different cultures' diverse theoretical and practical experiences, we can strengthen human rights narratives like the Islamic-Iranian perspective. This paper analyzes the relationship between human rights and cultural relativism, mainly focusing on Africanist claims. It examines the impact of African perspectives on the notion of universal human rights. We will explore the discourse of cultural relativism in the context of human rights globalization and the efforts to legitimize and achieve intercultural acceptance of the universal human rights regime. The paper will also analyze key arguments and trends in African discourse on cultural relativism.

Cultural relativism has been a focal point of substantial debate in human rights discourse for many years. Advocates of cultural relativism assert that human rights are not universal and that respecting unique cultural values and beliefs is necessary. They argue that imposing Western values on other cultures may have negative consequences and instead advocate for allowing cultures to develop their human rights norms. Conversely, opponents of cultural relativism argue that it can be employed to justify human rights violations. They support a core set of universal human rights that cross cultural boundaries. They caution that authoritarian regimes can employ cultural relativism to justify human rights abuses under the guise of cultural differences.

This study utilizes a qualitative research methodology that critically examines the current literature on human rights, cultural relativism, and African perspectives on these topics. The key sources of information are academic journals, books, and publications from international organizations and human rights advocacy groups.

African perspectives on cultural relativism and the universality of human rights encompass a wide range of views. Minimalist Africanists recognize the importance of some universal human rights principles but advocate for cultural adaptations in their implementation. Moderate Africanists support a core set of universal human rights but argue for including specifically African cultural values. Maximalist Africanists, on the other hand, entirely reject the universality of human rights and advocate for a human rights framework based solely on African cultural values. This range of views is well-reflected in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. The Charter incorporates several universal human rights principles while also acknowledging the significance of African cultural values and traditions. For instance, the Charter recognizes human duties.

The concept of cultural relativism presents a significant challenge to the universality of human rights. While it is important to respect cultural diversity, extreme forms of cultural relativism may lead to justifying human rights violations. The African perspective provides valuable insights into navigating this challenge.

Cosmopolitanism has risen to prominence in political science and international relations alongside the transformative forces of globalization and is trying to provide solutions for the problems of today's world by proposing new topics in the field. One of its core tenets is the pursuit of global justice. the theorists generally draw upon John Rawls' ideas and consider it possible to achieve global justice. Their proposals for achieving global justice include collective national responsibility, reformed international institutions, robust human rights protections, a potential world government, a reduction in nation-state sovereignty, and reforming the structure of the international system regarding egalitarian individualism and global citizenship. This article tries to understand and consider the concept of global justice within cosmopolitanism theory. It examines what solutions cosmopolitans offer to achieve global justice. From this point of view, cosmopolitans, by constantly criticizing global inequalities at all levels, combine the idea of moral and normative responsibility of all human beings with the reform of regimes and international institutions and believe in the realization of global justice.

Cosmopolitanism has risen to prominence in political science and international relations alongside the transformative forces of globalization and is trying to provide solutions for the problems of today's world by proposing new topics in the field. Cosmopolitans place central importance on the concept of justice, its various dimensions, and implications. This focus stems from their deep understanding of justice's critical role and the detrimental effects of global injustices. Of course, the efforts of philosophers and thinkers to present a theory about justice and propose solutions to reduce injustice go back to ancient times, and the pre-Socratic philosophers in ancient Greece were the pioneers of this movement. The reason for this is the unbreakable link between justice and the daily life of people. Recognizing the importance of the justice concept, this research tries to explore cosmopolitan perspectives on its characteristics, scope (domestic and global), and attainability. It further explores the solutions proposed by cosmopolitans to achieve global justice.

By choosing the hermeneutic method, inspired by the ideas of philosophers such as Schleiermacher and Wilhelm Dilthey, the research aims to design a codified framework about global justice from the texts and writings of cosmopolitan thinkers.
However, before exploring this method, it is necessary to address the core tenets of cosmopolitanism. Cosmopolitans view the individual as the fundamental unit of ethics. They posit the hypothesis that every human being has equal claims to a good life and that factors like nationality, culture, race, and gender should not hinder achieving it. Furthermore, the theory of cosmopolitanism encompasses three key aspects: moral, institutional, and political.

The foundation for cosmopolitan theorists' ideas on global justice rests on the 1970 publication of John Rawls's seminal work, A Theory of Justice. While Rawls's theory originally focused on the internal sphere of nation-states, cosmopolitan theorists like Charles Beitz, Thomas Pogge, Gillian Brock [1], and David Miller [2] have endeavored to extend its application to the international and global level. Charles Beitz argues that embracing a universal framework for justice necessitates two key perspectives: normative and historical. The normative dimension emphasizes the need for global justice to be realized through standards and models free from coercion, mirroring the domestic level. The historical dimension highlights the domestic roots of global poverty, placing a responsibility on governments and their citizens to reform existing structures and achieve global justice. Beitz further proposes a two-pronged approach to realizing global justice: the weak and strong thesis. His weak thesis posits that international relations, due to their structural similarities to domestic societies, are subject to principles of distributive justice. The strong thesis advocates for applying Rawls's principles of justice directly to international relations, forming the foundation for a comprehensive theory of global justice.
Thomas Pogge, another prominent theorist, explores Rawls's concept of choosing justice principles under the "veil of ignorance" in his 1989 book, Realizing Rawls. He argues for a universal foundation designed to ensure equal liberties and fair opportunities for all, mirroring the conditions Rawls envisioned for domestic societies. However, David Miller, a cosmopolitan thinker, diverges from Pogge and Beitz. He contends that the principles of global justice are fundamentally distinct from those of domestic social justice. Miller cites the existence of distinct nation-states, each with the right to self-determination, as a key factor in this differentiation.

The relationship between institutions, sovereignty, and global justice is another central theme of this article. Cosmopolitans emphasize the crucial role institutions play in fostering harmony between individuals and governments, ultimately paving the way for global justice. They advocate for reforms within key institutions like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization to better serve this purpose. In the field of the relationship between global justice and sovereignty, cosmopolitans view state sovereignty as a significant hurdle to achieving global justice. They advocate for marginalizing the current nation-state system in favor of a more decentralized global sovereignty structure that prioritizes realizing global justice. Inspired by Kant's ideas, Pogge proposes four principles to state decentralization. He argues for independent states participating in an international federation without completely relinquishing their sovereignty. Cosmopolitan theorists acknowledge the impracticality of dismantling the Westphalian order entirely. Drawing on Kant again, they emphasize the necessity of joint participation by citizens at both national and global levels to achieve global justice.

Cosmopolitan theorists, despite some internal variations in approach, share a core belief in the attainability of global justice. They draw inspiration from John Rawls's ideas, particularly egalitarian individualism and global citizenship. To achieve this just world order, they advocate for a multi-pronged approach. It includes collective responsibility at the national level, reformed international institutions, robust human rights protections, and the potential for a world government. While some envision a diminished role for nation-states, others emphasize reform within the existing system. Ultimately, cosmopolitans believe that relentless criticism of global inequalities, coupled with institutional reform, can pave the way for a more just global order.
 Cosmopolitans' views on global justice are not without critique, even from within the movement itself. Some, like Nagel, reject the idea of weakening national borders, arguing that egalitarian justice cannot exist without the power structures these borders represent. They believe that economic and social justice lose meaning in the absence of a competent central authority. David Miller aligns with Nagel, suggesting that justice is more attainable within defined borders of shared culture and history. Thomas Michael Black emphasizes the need for powerful states to support the institutions necessary to enforce it. Skeptics such as Robert Gilpin argue that inequality is likely to persist due to the lack of robust institutions capable of pressuring powerful governments toward wealth redistribution. Finally, critics such as Wolff argue that a focus solely on wealth redistribution, without commitment to economic growth and development, creates a flawed vision of global justice.

Populism and its new form, neo-populism, which has a more radical argument than the former, have become a sociopolitical reality in European political literature, with its impact and sociopolitical power constantly expanding. However, the primary purpose of this study was to examine the role of public media and social networks in the rise of neo-populist movements in Europe, with a focus on France and Italy. With the decline of democratic movements and classical political parties in recent decades, especially in the last decade, these countries have gradually grown in importance in the rise of neo-populism. The results showed that social networks and public media have taken over as the primary venues for the promotion of such movements. Neo-populist movement leaders rely on the media as their allies or counselors and owe their power among the general public, especially among groups without in-depth political understanding, to the popular and yellow media. Such media have bolstered the sociopolitical strongholds of neo-populism by emphasizing clichéd or routine topics like nationalism, xenophobia, and portraying immigration as threats to the future of the people in the countries, as well as by promoting and spotlighting in a popular manner the corruption of political leaders who are in positions of power. It must be pointed out that an integrated quantitative and qualitative approach was employed concurrently in order to evaluate the trends of gaining power and the rise of neo-populist movements through the study of trends, dimensions, and quantities while also explaining the main research question.

 With the decline of government oversight of media enterprises, the emergence of sizable private commercial media, and the growth of social networks, which are currently garnering the most attention, special political movements have drawn the public’s attention and created their own distinct discourse in society, for or against one or more political movements, with the aim of establishing their hegemony with regard to the society they desire. This has been done by creating special content in line with their political beliefs, which is also in line with the intentions of the public in the society. Among such movements are the neo-populist movements that have gained popularity in European countries in recent years. In light of this, the primary research question is: How has the prevalence of social media and networks contributed to the formation and growth of nationalist populism, or the very neo-populism? The hypothesis is that social media and networks have played a significant role in shaping public opinion in order for the leaders of this discourse to come to power by acting as the primary representatives of the populace by influencing election campaigns, giving populist elites personalities, and widely disseminating their messages.

 The notion of discourse is one of the important and widely-applied ideas that had a considerable impact on the development of western sociopolitical philosophy. The present study’s theoretical underpinning is Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse analysis, which is based on two structuralist theories: Marxism and Saussure’s linguistics. According to this theory, the nodal point, the foundation of the signifier around which other signifiers congregate, serves as the central signifier. The concept whose importance is emphasized in other discourse analysis theories is the central signifier. As a result, in the presence of social gaps, the media can have a substantial impact on shaping public opinion, propagating myths, and reinforcing the empty signifier. This area’s importance is highlighted more than ever during a crisis. Aiming to strengthen the empty signifier that holds desirable ideals and a picture of the ideal society and the savior notions, contemporary media present different images and myths in an effort to highlight discourses that have previously been rejected and marginalized by the hegemony of the prevailing discourse.

This study employed Clifford Geertz’s thick description approach.

According to the findings almost no significant event can be found that is not influenced by the presence of media and its narratives, which have a considerable influence on the knowledge and perception of the general public. In recent decades, this has drawn attention to the notion of “being in the media.” In Europe, populism is a complicated, profound phenomenon that has a lengthy historical background. Neo-populism’s defining characteristic is primarily the focus on the structure or form of single-subject political action; members and leaders of neo-populist movements tend to focus their political and media strategies on one or several contentious issues, such as xenophobia, nationalism, and party corruption. This is due, in part, to the inherent simplicity of neo-populist themes and their straightforward appeal to the voters. Neo-populist movements support the original authority of direct democracy, the “people’s” will, the emphasis on the absence of any middleman in people’s decision-making process, and the promotion of referenda. The policies of these movements are typically the outcome of some type of agitation and dissatisfaction in a particular national setting, or what is known as the “constant mobilization of dissatisfaction,” in other words.
The effectiveness of social media and networks in fortifying the neo-populist movements as a strong and unbreakable bond is one of the key markers in this regard. In fact, recent years have seen a dramatic shift in European media systems. These changes have expanded the opportunity structure for the spread of populist ideas. In recent decades, factors including the declining influence of the traditional press, greater media ownership, reliance on advertising, and increased tendency toward news values in European countries have changed the landscape in ways that have favored the emergence of populist discourse. In addition to covering the aforementioned topic briefly in his book Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde affirms and explains the strong linkages between commercial broadcasting and yellow journalism and populist viewpoints. He highlights the interconnectedness between populist media, parties, and movements, drawing inspiration from Carl Schmitt’s notion that friendship and enmity are the primary elements of politics. For instance, he discusses Jörg Haider, a well-known populist leader in Austria, and then quotes Ritterband: “Both Haider and the media depended on one another.”

   The purpose of this study was to examine the influence of social media and networks in the rise of neo-populist movements in Europe, with a focus on France and Italy. The findings indicated that nationalist neo-populist discourses in European countries and their respective sociopolitical domains influence the processes of yellow journalism and popular broadcasting on the one hand, and are influenced by them on the other. This is done with the intention of influencing public opinion, especially among social groups who lack comprehensive political knowledge of the country’s evolution. The results, in particular, showed that these political groups are able to influence public opinion by giving clichéd popular topics significance in their discourse and exaggerating them with the aid of the media. These issues are typically ignored by the ruling democratic movements. This is a valid reason, especially during election campaigns, for the propagation of populist movements’ and parties’ beliefs in order to sway the polling processes ahead of election day and thereby affect the outcome of the votes. To put it another way, political campaign leaders aim to influence people’s political beliefs and ideas in order to sway public opinion poll results months before election day and ultimately win the election.

One of the most important features of good governance is the reduction of social inequality. Although indicators of good governance,, may indirectly provide the conditions for reducing social inequality, there is a gap under the heading of social inequality which is felt in the theory of good governance. This research seeks to answer the question of what criticisms are made of the model of good governance theoretically and quantitatively? Methodologically, this research is a theoretical endeavor and of course from a quantitative comparative method based on structural equation modeling using data.Among the UN member states, all the data needed for this study were available for 103 countries that were selected as a sample of the study. Quantitative findings based on structural equation modeling showed that the model of good governance does not have a good fit but improves with the introduction of the social inequality variable into the model. In the theoretical dimension, there are criticisms that have been suggested the indicators of control of corruption , government efficiency and resilience, security, political stability and lack of Violence, the rule of law, the quality of regulation, responsibility, accountability and the right to comment, citizen satisfaction, pivotal consensus, the reduction of social inequality, non-domination and hegemony, transparency, commitment to interests and demands, social welfare and empowerment, meritocracy, freedom and enjoyment of rights and non-interference in the public and private are considered in the governance model and are added to the evaluation criteria of countries.

The challenge that exists in the theory of good governance is that its indicators theoretically do not have a logical framework to achieve the goals, and in terms of implementation, they cannot guarantee the improvement of conditions in all countries due to political, social and cultural differences and effective mechanisms.. Based on this, the aim of the research is to criticize the model of good governance. Also, to theoretically examine the issue of reducing or eliminating social inequality through the implementation of good governance.

Some researches have dealt with political structures and their influence on governance mechanisms and inequality. Others emphasize aspects of income distribution, poverty reduction, and inequality. Researches have also been conducted in which variables such as governance quality, economic freedom index, gross domestic product and urbanization rate and inequality have been considered. The issue of public welfare has also attracted another aspect of research related to governance and social inequality. Corruption and its political and social effects and the shadow economy have become another part of social analysis and research in the field of inequality and governance. The current research will be different from past research in several ways. First, its main purpose is to criticize the model of good governance. Second, it will address social inequality, not just inequality of a particular kind. Third, in the analysis of the relationship between good governance and social inequality, in addition to the main indicators, conditions and mechanisms will also be emphasized. Despite the fact that the correct implementation of the good governance model may be able to provide the conditions to reduce social inequality, but because the score of the state of social inequality is not decisive in the average score of good governance published by the World Bank every year, it cannot be claimed that good governance is always a factor in reducing social inequality.

From a methodological point of view, this research is a theoretical effort and a quantitative comparative method based on structural equation modeling using secondary data has also been used. According to the latest UN data output (2019), 193 countries are members of this organization. Among the member countries of the United Nations, all the data needed for this research were available for 103 countries that were selected as the research sample. The method and comparative analysis is used in the transition from general theories to structural theories, and this research also has a theoretical effort that leads to the criticism of structural theory.

In the theoretical and quantitative dimension, the good governance model has some shortcomings. One of the most important of them is that the issue of social inequality has not been directly addressed. The results of the good governance model fit evaluation show that the relative chi-square sizes are high and the RMSEA is also very high. The relative chi-square index in this model shows that the empirical data of the World Bank and the theoretical model of good governance do not match. The RMSEA index in this model indicates a bad fit and the amount of difference between its size and the acceptable size is very high. In addition, comparing the parameters of government effectiveness, regulatory quality (laws and regulations), rule of law and corruption control showed that there is no significant difference between them and this indicates the weakness of the model. There are serious doubts about relying on the model of good governance to measure how to govern in countries. The evaluation of the measurement model of good governance and social inequality showed that, except for income inequality, other measures of factor loadings and coefficients of determination are high and strong. The fit indices have improved to a great extent, and although the size of the RMSEA has decreased significantly compared to the previous two models, its value is still high. Therefore, it can be argued that the inclusion of the social inequality variable in the good governance model can make it more acceptable.

With all the positive points that exist in the theory of good governance with emphasis on the World Bank indicators, the following criticisms are included:Good governance requires that different viewpoints come together so that the good of society occurs with the maximum possible consensus. Consensus-oriented presence as an indicator in the good governance model can increase the possibility of adapting the model to the conditions of different countries. Creating equal opportunities in society is very important. Without considering the "reduction of social inequality" index, it cannot be claimed that a country has good governance.
The model of good governance claims to be universal. Its implementation in different countries requires extensive political, cultural, security and economic changes that seem far from reach. At the same time, there are countries in the world like China that were able to make significant progress without it. Of course, it is not acceptable to ignore the general principles of good governance. Countries should have a proper understanding of their conditions in terms of good governance, and for this, it is necessary to identify the historical experience, culture and indigenous values.
The adjective "good" in the model of good governance can be challenging because good and bad are value concepts. Removing the word "good" from the governance model can solve this problem.
One of the reasons for the spread of corruption in the governance system of countries is the lack of transparency. The mechanism of all the programs and the process of activities should be obvious and the citizens can control and monitor them step by step whenever they want. By examining the level of citizens' satisfaction, we can also consider the hidden aspects of the functioning of the governance system. Efficiency and effectiveness complement each other and considering each without the other can be considered a deficiency. Measuring the effectiveness of the government is a very valuable task in the governance model, but this work will be doubled by evaluating the effectiveness of the government. A country in the world cannot be considered to have good governance while not paying attention to its commitment to non-interference in the public and private spheres of citizens.

The two neighboring countries of Iran and Turkey have witnessed significant developments historically and politically over a nearly identical period of time. Reza Shah and Ataturk, after coming to power and considering their country's internal and external conditions, sought to reform their westernization and secularization. The similarities and differences between the two countries' societies and the way in which different forces and social classes interact and oppose them have made a different fate. Both political leaders sought to push people toward modernization in a grammatical and orderly process. A comparative study of the modernization efforts of Reza Shah and Ataturk reveals many similarities, but given these similar aspects from a theoretical point of view, we see a different conclusion and conclusion. The present article seeks to compare the modernization process in Iran and Turkey from the point of view of empirical modernization or modernization from above. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question: Why, despite the many similarities, did the fate of modernization in Reza Shah's Pahlavi era differ from that of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk? The findings of this article indicate that the difference between the function of the institution of religion and its relationship with the government along with other factors has led to the failure of modernization in the reign of Pahlavi during the reign of Mustafa Kamal Ataturk. In this article we use the " comparative-historical" method.

Reforms and modernization in Iran and Turkey had a history before Reza Shah and Atatürk came to power, and it can be said that modernization before these two political leaders in these two societies with acceptance and various oppositions with their own intensity and weaknesses. Especially from the clergy and religious groups and the common people in these two countries. Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk both in the same period of time after coming to power for the mental background and later with a serious confrontation with the concept of modernity and innovative progress of the West in order to take fast and pragmatic actions with behaviors They became more radical in order to reach their ultimate goal, which was to bring their country to progress. According to the historical evidence and documents, it can be stated that Atatürk was more serious and stricter in dealing with the tradition and institution of religion than Reza Shah, and of course, the different function of the institution of religion in both countries led to a different result in the emergence of religion. Real modernization in two countries in that period of history. Changing men's clothing, discovering women's hijab, creating a customary and modern legal and educational system, rewriting history, road building and industrialism, weakening traditional classes and creating and strengthening modern classes should be listed as the most important aspects of Reza Shah's and Ataturk's modernization.

The theoretical framework of this article will be basically based on the theory of authoritarian modernization or modernization and modernization from above. Therefore, we will seek help from Barrington Moore's theory in this field. In the book "Social Roots of Dictatorship and Democracy", Moore examines the modernization methods of England, France, America, China, Japan and India with his sociological and comparative explanation and points to three types of modernization. Kond: The democratic modernization method that took place in America, England and France. The communist and totalitarian modernization method that happened in China and Russia. and the method of modernization from above that was implemented in Japan and Germany. The method that Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk took was mainly in the form of authoritarianism and statism. Atatism or statism is one of the known types of authoritarian modernization from above. In this method, the movement towards modernization is done from above and guided by the ruling classes. In such a way, intellectuals are always present who are in sync with the policies of the Board of Trustees and take steps to encourage, strengthen and help the realization of these policies.

The method adopted by Moore is a comparative historical method and not a comparative method. Deductive method includes determining a theory to explain a certain phenomenon and then deducing appropriate hypotheses that are basically falsifiable and testing these hypotheses in order to determine the validity of the initial theory. In contrast to the comparative historical method, it is an inductive method in which a chain of historical cases related to the desired study is examined in detail and through comparison, the distinction between cause-and-effect mechanisms is determined and explanations are deduced based on this.

In this paper, an attempt was made to discuss and study the process of modernization during the era of Reza Shah Pahlavi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, taking into account the social and cultural conditions and using the theoretical framework of modernization or modernization from above. In the modernization method from the top of Barrington Moore, the occurrence of a popular and violent revolution to remove the obstacles to development is meaningless. And the political results resulting from the destruction of the past social system, through the revolution from above, are different from the results of the revolution from below.

During their conservative modernization, semi-parliamentary regimes try to preserve their old social structures as much as possible and, as much as possible, place major parts of that system within the new social structure. give While in the process of modernization, Reza Shah and Ataturk sought to erase their old social structures because they considered them to be the cause of backwardness. And since the development of Iran and Turkey was exogenous, not much attention was paid to the internal conditions of the society, but to achieve economic development, what had happened in the western countries should be modeled in order for them to progress. would be and by imposing modernization programs from top to bottom and relying on foreign or domestic capital, such as increasing tariffs and collecting huge taxes from farmers in Iran and Turkey, or selling oil in Iran, They provided changes that led to heterogeneous economic growth, especially in Iran. The concept of modernization implies the complete transformation of the traditional society into a modern society, with various types of technology and social organization related to it, which is a developed and stable economic-political feature. How the process of modernization in Iran was accompanied by the systematic oppositions and resistances of the guided society, which became one of the main reasons for the failure of Reza Shah in the modernization measures. Of course, another main reason for the lack of success of Reza Shah compared to Ataturk was the difference in the relationship between religion and government in the two countries

The relations between Iran and China have had ups and downs throughout history, which have never ended in complete enmity. The relations between the two countries have entered a new form in the past decade, which has led to "comprehensive strategic partnership" between them. With the introduction of a comprehensive strategic partnership and a 25-year contract between the two countries, political and economic convergence has been relatively improving. Comprehensive strategic partnership through Western sanctions and Iran's turning away from the West and Tehran's approach of looking to the East, intensifying the blockade of oil sales and reducing trade exchanges by sanctions, China's need to partner with Iran in order to complete the Belt and Road Project and supply energy and develop exports. , the counter-hegemony approach of Iran and China and the mental and historical commonality of the leaders from colonialism has brought economic and political convergence between Iran and China, which is the purpose of this article to investigate and analyze the cause of these convergences and capacities. The research method in this article is descriptive-explanatory.

The relationship between Tehran and Beijing is due to the geopolitical and economic situation and the requirements of the international system, which is tied to "national interests". The depth of relations between China and Iran after the revolution of Mao and the Islamic revolution has shared international identities that have a place in the historical understanding and mentality of the people of the two countries. Considering the regional and international situation and its requirements, as well as the conditions of the two countries, the two countries have tried to develop bilateral cooperation, which results in cooperation in the form of; The "comprehensive strategic partnership" manifested in the 25-year contract that can be in line with the policies of both sides to complete the Belt and Road.

In this article, we have used the theories of convergence, cognitive evolution and counter-hegemony. In fact, with Adler's theory of convergence and cognitive theory, we have believed in a kind of alignment between Iran and China, that their approach, in addition to seeking benefits, through knowledge, they try to "change" the international order, which includes a "counter-hegemony" nature. One of the reasons for looking to the east is by Iran, which has played an effective role in the form of comprehensive strategic partnership. On the other hand, China, considering its goals in the international system, which is opposing unilateralism, is one of the methods of this country, it is trying to enter into convergence and cooperation with different countries through partnerships and not "alliances" in such a way as to reduce tensions within the framework of the international system. Not be created and the framework of the countries in question should have a peaceful procedure.

The research method in this article is descriptive-explanatory, and the data of the article is of the library and internet type, which was done in the form of Taking notes.

First, he sees the comprehensive strategic partnership between Iran and China in several dimensions, for example, he does not consider Iran's need to sell oil as an important factor, and he does not consider China's alignment with Iran to be merely economic, and he emphasizes that the approach of the two countries can be used to counter hegemony. Second, he has considered the capacities of this partnership beyond the normal capacities of this type of China's partnerships with other countries. Third, in the article, we see a kind of holism and comprehensiveness of participation, which can be seen in many neglected aspects of the works in line with this scientific work. Fourth, the article is based on the idea that if Iran was able to curb the Western sanctions and did not face the West's bad promises, maybe the view of the East would not be so strong. Also, in the article, from a theoretical point of view, a kind of meta-theory has been used, and in a way, it is a dimension of the theory of format over method, format in theories of international relations, but has used a kind of conceptual model, and in other words, it is a theory of format over method and data. Which can be said: propositions are arranged based on analysis.  Iran currently has an urgent and fundamental need due to the discussion of sanctions against China and the sale of oil for the purpose of domestic and foreign financing, China also understands well both the position of Iran and the capacities that Iran has in the region.

Considering China's economic approach, as well as the anti-hegemonic approach and the approach of looking to the east of Iran, which was caused by ideological, economic and political blockade from the West, Iran and China have tried to have a growing trend in political and economic alignment with China, which initially It started through a comprehensive strategic partnership and led to a 25-year contract, and the two countries can have a new approach in the form of a comprehensive strategic partnership, taking into account the international conditions and requirements, as well as understanding the environment, considering the gaps of liberal power in global politics. Against the policies of the West and America in the region and the world. China has tried to become an active actor in the region, especially in West Asia, mostly through performance and movement within the current and structural frameworks and using international organizations, and Iran mostly with a philosophical character and outlook, and of course within its limits and according to its own requirements.