نشریه پژوهش های روابط بین الملل
سال سیزدهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 51، زمستان 1402)

In the Begin Guide, no adversary of Israel in the Middle East should be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. Therefore, Israel has used various strategies since the beginning of facing Iran's nuclear case, the common denominator of which is stopping the nuclear program and preventing it from acquiring nuclear weapons. The current research answered the question: What was Israel's strategy in the face of Iran's nuclear program during the era of Trump and Biden? The hypothesis of the research in the framework of nuclear deterrence and with an emphasis on Begin's doctrine states that: Israel's strategy in facing Iran's nuclear program in the Trump era, pressure on the United States to withdraw from the JCPOA, and in the Biden era to try to Iran's nuclear case was referred to the Security Council under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter. From this point of view, Israel, which considered the JCPOA ineffective in curbing Iran's nuclear program; In line with Trump, he reached his main goal, that is, the withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA. During the period of Biden, Israel, while consulting with the Western negotiating parties to persuade them not to revive the JCPOA, by repeating claims about the activity of secret nuclear sites and fueling Iran's and IAEA's safeguard disputes, followed by the referral of the case. It is a nucleus from the Council of Governors to the Security Council.The descriptive-analytical research method and the data collection tool are authentic domestic and foreign library sources.

Dealing with the concept of world order and change in the international system, in addition to providing the possibility of a systematic understanding of global political developments, determines the possibilities of structure and the strength of the foreign policy of the states. A realistic understanding of the logic of the development and transformation of the world order, understanding reasons of the actions of governments, especially the great powers, clarify the place of regions in the international system and the direction of global politics. These two concepts are an inevitable necessity both in the theory and in the practice. Understanding this necessity, this article tries to infer the elements of consistency and change in the world order by pondering the mainstream theories of international relations, and to discuss and criticize the development of global politics.. . . . . .. . .. . . . . .. . . . .

The Russian Federation’s war in Ukraine, the consequences of the war that has led to the deaths of tens of thousands of people and the displacement of millions of people, the stalemate of the Security Council in supporting civilians and the lack of immediate and proper management of this great humanitarian crisis have caused the discussion of humanitarian interventions in the form of the "responsibility to protect" doctrine. The inability of the international community to seriously confront the widespread and organized violation of human rights in the 1990s led to the proposal of the "responsibility to protect" doctrine in 2001, and sovereignty was emphasized not as an advantage but as a responsibility. This theory was approved in the document of the 2005 UN Summit and was used in Libya in 2011. According to the "R to P", if governments are unable or unwilling to protect their citizens in armed conflicts, the international community will be responsible for protecting people. the article presents the hypothesis that due to the extent of civilian casualties, widespread humanitarian crisis, the use of prohibited weapons and the targeting of civilian places. Arbitrary arrests and committing torture and rape by the warring parties, it is possible to apply the theory in the recent crisis, but due to the fact that low-intensity military measures can lead to the expansion of the existing humanitarian crisis, only diplomatic and political measures is recommended in the framework of the main pillars of the doctrine.

China, through its "String of Pearls" doctrine and the implementation of the "One Belt One Road (OBOR)" project, aims to establish hegemony over the Southeast, South, and West Asia, as well as North Africa regions. To achieve this objective, China has adopted a strategy to bolster its naval capabilities, safeguarding its maritime communication lines in the South China Sea, the Strait of Malacca, and even the northern Indian Ocean, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Persian Gulf. In this context, the Gwadar port and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) play significant roles in Beijing's foreign policy. In response, India is pursuing countermeasures by signing military and security agreements with the United States and its regional allies to strengthen its influence. This research, utilizing a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to explore the nature of China's "String of Pearls" doctrine and examine the strategies India has adopted to counter it. The findings reveal that, in order to counter China's "String of Pearls," India has established the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), invested in the port of Chabahar, and signed an agreement with Oman to enhance its naval presence in the port of Duqm. While these measures may not place India in a superior or equal position to China, they provide Delhi with the necessary tools, in collaboration with the United States, to effectively challenge China's ambitions.

Considering the impact of climate change on various aspects of human life, many countries, including India, are trying to deploy the necessary measures to reduce the relevant negative effects. Considering the sensitivity of this issue to the international community, any action in this respect can increase the leverage of countries' soft power. Therefore, the main question of the article is that How has Narendra Modi's government's practices in the field of climate diplomacy have increased the influence and soft power of this country at the international level? We first examined the answer to this question in the domestic dimension of this country and further, at the international level, we evaluated the practices and effects of the Modi’s government performance in instances of soft power, including attracting foreign investment, international branding, and India's powerful presence in international forums. The findings of the research, conducted by using library and online resources and with a descriptive-analytical method, it reveal that with regard to the domestic dimension, this country has reached the acceptable achievements. At the international level, India has been able to increase its soft power by securing rising foreign investment, in the field of clean energy and international branding, in addition to its offering more contribution in various international alliances and forum

One of the most important strategies of NATO for territorialization in the geopolitical areas adjacent to Russia and China is the expansion of the official political borders of this organization. NATO, which was formed with the primary purpose of securing the security of the North Atlantic geographic region, acknowledges in its new security concept that the security of this region will be ensured when the geographical boundaries of this organization give way to identity boundaries. This is important because both China and Russia have expressed their opposition to the unipolar system. In this regard, NATO focuses its interests on the need to tighten the encirclement ring surrounding the support and strengthening of Russia through alliances with neighboring countries and the need to support and strengthen forces against NATO's next goals, confronting Islamic fundamentalism and curbing China has put Russia's concern about the presence of NATO in its borders and China's concern about the close military cooperation of the West with Taiwan and other strategic points have caused the two countries to work harder for mutual cooperation and their development fields. In this article, this issue was investigated using the analytical descriptive method and using the theoretical framework of Stephen Walt's balance of threats. The findings indicate that the military and security cooperation of NATO members with their neighbors China and Russia is in line with the balance of threats. can be evaluated and has caused the expansion of the military and security cooperation of these two countries against NATO.

The multidimensional world needs a new variable called scientific diplomacy in all its affairs. No international unit or independent government can ignore this new dimension of politics. Science diplomacy as a soft field of power, not only by using the variable of political science and international relations, but also by internalizing cultural, social and economic structures and their new dependence on the nature of science, establish new boundaries in modern conceptualization. has done. One of these concepts is the interwoven relationship between science diplomacy and development. The country of Iran in the West Asia region, having a young and educated workforce and having the experience of continuous growth of scientific and technological indicators, has a definite ground for using this variable in the development of its foreign policy. Therefore, the most important aspect of the country of Iran in the current situation is the full use of this irreplaceable capacity in regional development, taking into account the economic, cultural, social and political priorities. This research has analyzed the logic of the relationship between scientific diplomacy and regional development in a qualitative way by examining various documents in the considered fields and by enumerating the characteristics of each of these variables.

As technology continues to advance in the realm of information and communication, human perception of space has transcended the boundaries of physicality. In parallel with the physical world, characterized by its tangible facts and realities, a new space has emerged—one composed of informational data. This virtual realm, governed by the ever-expanding realm of human needs, defies the limitations imposed by physical space. In response to the populace's increasing presence and engagement within this digital arena, governments have articulated a set of rights and responsibilities for its utilization. Nevertheless, a critical dimension of this discourse is the evolution of what can be described as a "cyber life." As virtual communities, virtual citizens, virtual interactions, virtual identities, and virtual security become integral facets of this digital realm, a fundamental question arises: Are individuals gradually giving rise to a form of existence characterized by their engagement in this new cyber life? Consequently, this article explores the question of what defines the "right to cyber life" and how such a right can be classified within the domain of human rights. Employing a descriptive-analytical and explanatory methodology, the findings of this article firmly establish the "right to cyber life" as a fourth-generation human right. This recognition is rooted in the way it has impacted the lives of individuals, shaping opportunities, presenting challenges, and posing potential threats within the realm of public policy.

Afghanistan is one of the countries where the American had a significant impact on political developments, following the 9/11 attacks by al-Qaeda after the withdrawal of the Soviet forces. The initial goal of the American government was to combat terrorism, but they also played a crucial role in state-building and institutionalizing political structures in Afghanistan. This research examines the role of the United States during the presidencies of Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden in the political developments of Afghanistan. Searches have shown that the United States has played a significant role in Afghanistan's political developments, from the formation of the government at the "Bonn I" Conference in 2001 to the collapse of the republican system in 2021. The finding of this research demonstrate that American leaders have purposed different policies towards Afghanistan, taking into account national interests, the international system, and internal issues within Afghanistan. These policies have ranged from Bush's preemptive attack to Obama's diplomatic efforts and Trump's withdrawal policy, ultimately leading to Biden's definitive withdrawal and the downfall of the republican system. This research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method, drawing on domestic and foreign written sources and authentic sites, within the theoretical framework of Marshaimer's aggressive realism.

The formation of the National Council caused changes in the contemporary history of Iran. These developments were manifested in the political arena, especially during the second Pahlavi period, the speed of changes was increased. After September 1320 and the creation of an open political space, the representatives tried to align with this trend. In the 14th to 16th terms of the National Council, Nasser Qoli Ardalan was one of the representatives of Sanandaj who was elected to the parliament. During the representative period, he was involved in legislation and political decisions, and in some cases he was the founder or proposer and supporter of reforms. Among them, we can mention his speech and his role in presenting and approving the laws, bills and ministers proposed by the government, as well as his stance on important and decisive issues such as the nationalization movement of the oil industry. The problem of this research is to investigate the political performance and role of Nasser Qoli Ardalan in the National Assembly during the mentioned periods.The research method is descriptive-analytical and relies on documents, minutes of parliament deliberations and archival sources. The findings of this article show that Nasser Qoli Ardalan had the most speeches and roles in the parliament during 3 periods and was the most active representative of Sanandaj city. In a summary, he played an effective role in issues such as the fight against the economic corruption of statesmen,

In all cultural and legal systems of the world,the consent of the parties to marriage is an important factor in the success of strengthening the family institution and the sustainability of the marriage contract. However, forced marriages of various types still exist in many human societies.Forced marriage is a type of marriage in which at least one of the parties does not have sufficient consent and will.One of the countries where forced marriage still exists due to its traditional and ancient context is Iran and Iraq, in such a way that in the customs of some ethnic groups, women's consent in marriage is ignored.The present study is theoretical,the research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library-based, and it was conducted by referring to documents, books, and articles. It seeks to answer the question of what is the approach of the legal systems of Iran and Iraq towards the phenomenon of forced marriage based on possessive behavior and what is the necessity of criminalizing it.The research findings show that forced marriage has been considered by both legal systems but has not been specifically criminalized. Therefore, it is appropriate to criminalize forced marriage as a necessary crime and a step towards protecting victims and vulnerable groups.Also, the elements constituting forced marriage as a crime against humanity under customary international law confirm that this crime is comparable to other instances of crimes against humanity, both in terms of its nature and the degree of harm inflicted on the victim.

This study examines the reasons for the alignment of security and economic policies between the Russian Federation and Saudi Arabia between 1999 and 2019. In this study, the factors affecting the change in the approaches of the two countries in the security and economic fields, especially in the light of regional and international developments, are analyzed. Using structuralist theory, it explains the changes in the relations between the two countries and the increase in their interactions in the security and economic fields, and examines the impact of these interactions on the change in the security and economic equations of the region. Among the important cases is the analysis of the role of Iranian oil sanctions and developments in the foreign policy of the United States in increasing the alignment between Russia and Saudi Arabia. It also examines the role of geopolitical factors, changes in global energy markets, and the relations of the two countries with other regional and international powers. The findings of this study indicate that changes in US foreign policy, Iran's oil sanctions, and Russia's efforts to establish its position as an international power have been the main factors in the alignment of the two countries' security-economic policies. In addition, the convergence of economic interests in the energy sector, especially within the framework of OPEC+, and the effort to create a balance in relations with the West are also considered to be other factors in this alignment.

Marriage in Iran and the United States is derived from a legal, social, and religious institution. Marriage laws have significantly changed in both countries over time, including the removal of bans on interracial marriage in the United States and numerous changes to family rights in Iranian law since 1978. Marriages differ considerably in terms of religion, social status, economic status, age, commitment, and more. Marriage can be dissolved through annulment, divorce, or the death of a spouse. Divorce laws vary across different states and address issues such as the division of marital property, child custody, and spousal support obligations. Unfortunately, hopes and expectations for a shared life sometimes fail; this can be due to the parties having little information about their rights and duties as spouses. The breakdown of a marriage is a painful process often accompanied by severe emotional and financial distress. The combination of financial and non-financial tensions leads to the failure of the marriage. In both countries, the rights and duties of spouses toward each other have been subject to numerous changes and many challenges.