نشریه اندیشه سیاسی در اسلام
پیاپی 36 (تابستان 1402)

Imam Khomeini's first political move and confrontation with the Taghut government was to oppose the approval of the state and provincial associations bill. Of course, it is not that the imams started their political activities after the death of their teachers, namely Ayat Azam Borujerdi and Kashani, but these activities can be observed and observed years before 1341. This article aims to answer these questions by looking at the Imam's political leadership in this matter, firstly, what are the most important components of his management in guiding the people, which ultimately led to the victory of the uprising and the cancellation of the vote of the bill, and secondly, is this component They are only in the field of political thought or management science and sociology or they are completely based on Islamic ethics and education. The research findings that have been analyzed by the method of library collection with a descriptive-analytical approach; It shows that Imam's political management and leadership is based on the principle of task orientation and therefore on components such as; Continuous monitoring of political issues, not procrastinating and avoiding delays in action, following the principle of consultation in affairs and using the minds of others, the need to move based on a plan while trusting in God, relying on collective movements and avoiding individual actions and perseverance until Achieving the goal and result is based.This article is an answer to the question of how Imam Khomeini coordinated Islamic ethics with political leadership, but gave it the color of unity and objectivity. In order to prove this claim, we point to a specific period of Imam's political management in a descriptive-analytical way. A period of two months, which is considered the first bold political movement, but in opposition to the tyrants of their era, and examining this movement as a small and yet complete model introduces us to all the important components of their management during their leadership.

A reflection on the political thought of Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Ali ArakiAbstract :Considering the nature of Islam's religion , Islamic thinkers in general and especially Shi’a jurists have addressed the field of politics and more or less focused on the issues of " government " and " guardianship of the jurist ( Wilāyat al – Faqīh ) " in their discussions . The examination of the political views of Mohammad Ali Araki due to his very close relationship with Ayatollah Sheikh Abdul Karim Haeri , his long life of more than a century , and his witnessing of important events such as the establishment of the institution of religious teaching and guidance ( Ḥawza - ye ʿelmiya ) in Qom , the first and second Pahlavi eras , and the Islamic Revolution , is of special importance and helps to clarify the historical course of Shi’a political thoughts . This article is of the " descriptive – analytical " type , and in it , by relying on written sources and reliable websites to obtain information , the sources are described and analyzed , and the views and political positions of Ayatollah Araki are explained . By organizing the political issues raised by Ayatollah Araki along with the political positions , it is possible to achieve the structure of his political thinking and action , and in this regard , the purpose of the research is to show his cataphatic view of the field of politics , despite his narrow view of the scope of guardianship of the jurist ( Wilāyat al –Faqīh ) , and clarify the wrong thinking concerning the conflict between the two .

From Imam Khomeini's point of view, the provisions of the no-harm rule are a primary government prohibition, not a secondary and Shariah one, so the government is obliged to deal with people who cause harm to others. But the important question that is raised is whether the criminal treatment and criminalization of the harmful act in the family institution is compatible with the public interest? This article aims to answer this question by examining the conflict between criminalization in the family institution and expediency from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA), in a descriptive-analytical way. Since the ruler of the Islamic government enjoys the absolute guardianship of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and this matter is entrusted to the jurist. The orders and decrees issued by her are valid when they are subject to expediency and agree with it. On the other hand, based on rational and narrative reasons, preserving and strengthening the foundation of the family, by applying peaceful methods, is one of the aims and purposes of the Sharia and a subset of the public interest of the people, and criminalization is sometimes considered a violation of this purpos. Therefore With Imam's interpretation on the issue of "interest" and the supremacy of public interest over all governmental decrees, the conclusion is reached that protecting the foundation of the family is one of the main purposes of the Sharia and is in accordance with the public interest. And in the conflict between the necessity of criminalizing harmful acts in the family institution and protecting the public interest, priority will be given to public interest, not individual interest, and to criminalize it or not, public interest must be taken into consideration. In other words, in the clash of criminalization of the harmful act of family members based on the harmless government decree with the rule of expediency which requires the decriminalization of the family. The rule of expediency comes first, and for criminalizing the family institution, it is necessary to consider the public interest in all cases.

Explaining the dimensions of social justice in the intellectual system of Ayatollah KhameneiAbstractSocial justice is one of the implications of the concept of justice, which means the "fair" allocation of resources in a society. In this sense, the law must achieve an acceptable level of real and formal justice and must guarantee the fair distribution of resources and equal opportunities.The topic of the next article is reflection on the dimensions of social justice in the intellectual system of Ayatollah Khamenei. In this regard, the research raises the question of how social justice is formulated in the view of the Supreme Leader. Below this big question, more detailed questions are raised. The article was carried out using quantitative and qualitative content analysis method and the main hypothesis of the article is that Ayatollah Khamenei, with a combined approach of theoretical and practical aspects, presents a concept of social justice that is useful for policy making, the justice movement and the realization of goals. The Islamic Republic of Iran is used.The findings of the research show that social justice in the opinion of Ayatollah Khamenei means the correct distribution of opportunities, the equal distribution of resources and the equality of people before the law, he considers it necessary to theorize about social justice, progress in the framework of social justice He raised and demanded a non-discriminatory distribution of resources among different strata and regions of the country. Wanghi, the Supreme Leader, outlines the obstacles and damages for social justice that can lead to the elimination of poverty, reduction of class gap, prosperity and progress of a just society.Wanghi, the Supreme Leader, outlines the obstacles and damages for social justice that can lead to the elimination of poverty, reduction of class gap, prosperity and progress of a just society. Wanghi, the Supreme Leader, outlines the obstacles and damages for social justice that can lead to the elimination of poverty, reduction of class gap, prosperity and progress of a just society.

In this article, the researchers have tried to use Smelser's theory of collective behavior to achieve a sociological explanation of the Hezbollah movement and to investigate the contexts, causes, and meaningful variables in the process of forming the political-social movement of Lebanon's Hezbollah. are In other words, this article seeks to provide a theoretical answer to the main question of the present research, regarding the .explanatory variable in the theory of "collective behavior", that is, why and how the Hezbollah movement emerged in Lebanon. In addition, by using the examination and tracking of the emergence of the Lebanese Hezbollah movement as an empirical benchmark, the aforementioned theory, Smelser's theory of collective behavior, has also been evaluated. In other words, in addition to explaining the emergence of the Hezbollah movement, this article also deals with the experimental theory (Smelser's collective behavior). proved more than anything else was the weakness and deficiency of political journalistic analysis in explaining the formation of a socio-political trend like Hezbollah. To investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special attention to social factors. Since Islamsar's theoretical approach is considered a structural-functional approach, it provides a broader understanding of social phenomena such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement.nd like Hezbollah. To investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special attention to social factors. Since Islamsar's theoretical approach is considered a structural-functional approach, it provides a broader understanding of social phenomena such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement. investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special .

The purpose of this essay is to compare the different readings on the Islam Rahmani through the discovering and formulation of Islam Rahmani themes in the thought of the intellectuals and politicians after Islamic Revolution . In this study the speeches of 6 intellectuals and politicians ( Dr. Hassan Rouhani, Hojatolislam Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojatolislam Sayyed Mohammad Khatami, Dr. Mohsen Kadivar, Ayatollah Javadi Amoli and Iran’s supreme leader ; Ayatollah Khamenei ) on Islam Rahmani, studied and analyzed by thematic analysis method and finally the central themes of these speeches have been found and compared to each other . The study of these readings indicates that , while there is a similarity in a quasi-critical approach towards the West, we confront to two readings and interpretations of political Islam; one highlights liberal aspects and makes it possible to reconcile Islam with Western concepts and the other emphasizes the rational and intelligent confrontation with the enemies, considering the inherent and essential differences between Islamic concepts and modern concepts and the originality of the true teachings of Islam . What is mainly proposed in the proposal of commitment to political Islam is a kind of dualism by the supporters of Islam Rahmani, one side of which is Islam Rahmani and the opposite side is takfiri and violent readings of Islam . However, Ayatollah Khamenei and Ayatollah Javadi Amoli advance a third approach, which, like Imam Khomeini's reading of political Islam, looks at modernity from the tradition, and while emphasizing rationality and negation of any kind of violence, emphasizes on the monotheism foundations of this approach against the humanistic and liberal foundations of Islam Rahmani .