جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Legitimacy » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Islam’s concern with the "past," the central role it assigns itself in the history of the world, and the patterns it adopts from the Bible to document its own history are well-known aspects. This article aims to provide a detailed and precise examination of a specific aspect of Islam's perception of the past, namely the past as a source of legitimacy for authority. This topic has been discussed previously but only within the broader context of other instruments of legitimacy in Islam. Here, we will focus particularly on the Umayyad dynasty's use of the past to legitimize their rule.

Democracy is a public demand in the new era and non-democratic systems are on the verge of collapse. The main difference between the two systems is the role of people in governance system. The main problem of this article is to study the status of Republicanism in the Islamic Republic system from the perspective of Imam Khomeini. This characteristic plays an important role in the stability or instability of the system. The necessary data has been collected through studying Sahifeh-ye Imam Khomeini until saturation and analyzed through thematic analytical method. The findings of the research, organized in the form of the tables of basic themes, organizer, comprehensive themes and network of themes demonstrate that: 1- The legitimacy of the political system has two aspects, the divine aspect and the popular aspect (republicanism) that have an organic relation and are not in opposition to each other. 2- People's will and demand play a key role in political system and its logic is different from that of the liberal and socialist systems. 3- The rule of law is its fundamental trait which guarantees people’s rights.4. People are not merely obliged to obey, but they have a fundamental right to create the political system and supervise the performance of its executives at all levels. 5- The executives are accountable for their performance. 6- The positions are temporary and the executives are directly and indirectly elected by the people. Explanation of these components can change the social and organizational approaches in the fields of decision-making and decision-making and can be a step towards ending the challenge of the relationship between republicanism and Islamism

In this article, we seek to examine legitimate defense against bailiffs in Iranian law and international law. From the above research, we concluded that just as the people and the government expect officers to be trustworthy and honest in performing their duties, they should also be assured that they will be safe from any aggression while performing their duties. . However, any kind of resistance against the government officials cannot be considered as rebellion and the perpetrator should be punished, but resistance against the government officials has many situations, which in some cases is not only considered as rebellion and has no punishment, but with the combination of conditions that are stipulated in the law. The aforementioned is considered a legitimate defense and the perpetrator will be exempted from any kind of responsibility.considered as rebellion and the perpetrator should be punished, but resistance against the government officials has many situations, which in some cases is not only considered as rebellion and has no punishment, but with the combination of conditions that are stipulated in the law. The aforeme

The Grand Ilkhani`s Shahnameh reflects the political and social effects of the Ilkhans' kingdom well. By portraying themselves as a group of kings and mythical heroes of ancient Iran, the Mongols provided a new narrative of acceptability and legitimacy for the Ilkhans, the chiefs of the court, and ministers. By supporting and placing the Mongol kings as mythical Iranian kings, the Iranian Mustafians decided to make the usurper and tyrannical rulers look like Yazidi. Mustafians gave them divine power and made obedience to them obligatory to make their domination look legitimate in Iranian civilization.  In this five-page Shahnameh, Bahram-Gur is discussed in various situations. Given that Bahram-Gur owned the same name as Bahram, the god of war in ancient Iran, it seems that this name was chosen for a specific political purpose. This research aims to discuss the reason for the presence of the Mongols in Bahram's delegation in the paintings of Ilkhani's Shahnameh Bozur. Based on the research conducted on the subjects of these paintings, we conclude that by imagining themselves in Bahram's delegation, the Mongols intended to build an identity for themselves in Iranians' minds. They wanted to gain acceptance, popularity, and legitimacy by using the face of the kings like Bahram. This descriptive-analytical research has been done using the library method.

Legitimacy is the importance that people attach to the law. According to research, its non-acceptance is a social issue in Iran, and considering the cultural diversity in the country, one of the causes of legality can be related to cultural structuring. The research method is descriptive in terms of its purpose, and it is a cross-sectional survey, and to achieve the research objectives, a mixed research method has been used. In the qualitative research method, using the Delphi method, 17 people have been selected as a statistical sample to review sources, documents and interviews. And in the quantitative method, the hypotheses have been examined by developing a questionnaire and the quantitative method of structural equations. The statistical population is all faculty members of Payam Noor University with a sample size of 351 people based on Morgan's table and cluster sampling by covering all ethnicities, the data has been analyzed with Spss and Amos software. The findings of the research show that the level of compliance with legality is the result of the interaction of belief in legality between activists, ethnic groups and the system under the influence of Iranian and local culture. And the non-compliance is the result of the influence of the social system and the strengthening of the law-abiding personality system. The structuring of Islamic culture, the findings show that Islamic action has had an impact on the belief in legality and respect for it, which is related to the theories of Parsons and Piaget. Western action influenced by norms has caused action that is related to the theories of Anderson and Merton. In Iranian structuring, action influenced by resources and belief in legality has an effect on the influence of the system, which is related to the theories of Hirschi and Parsons. and based on local structuring, action influenced by norms and sources and belief in legitimacy is influenced by sources and action is influenced by belief in legitimacy. The effects of the system also cause the creation of law-abiding characters that are related to Briton and Cohen's theories. Be and separate language, in Persian language cultural structure: Iranian and local, in Turkish: local, in Lori and Kurdish: Iranian, Balochi: Islamic, Arabic and Turkmen is also based on the local, Islamic and Western structure of legalization action.

Numerous concepts have been created to justify governance. The system of knowledge-power, often produced by religious scholars, has sought to define and establish governance in accordance with historical contexts in relation to the Almighty God. The concept of the shadow of God (Zellul-lah) is one of these concepts that has been defined and used for the rulers in the form of a system of beliefs. This notion is often considered in conjunction with the notions of legitimacy, such as Farreh Izadi, as being a synonym in a sense, while its semantic discrepancies in the historical context has been ignored. Therefore, this study seeks to answer the question of how the philosophy of the notion of  Zellul-lahi in the era of Nader Shah was defined in the system of knowledge-power inter-relationship, and its functionality. Using the theoretical discussions of Foucault's “knowledge-power” method, as well as the "history of concept" approach, this research will explain the theory of Zellul-lahi in the era of Nader Shah and its consequences. The results of this study show that in the Nader shah era, there was a breakup in the “knowledge-power” system. This is true by taking into consideration that official-historians as producers of knowledge tried to define a different position for it due to Nader Shah’s separation from the legitimizing system of the Safavid era. For this reason, the concept of Zullul-lah in this age, as an independent approach, and in direct connection with God in the system of knowledge and power, has been established and exclusively used for Nader. This new system of knowledge-power, which was formed in this era, later led to a great change in the history of Iran, and helped in the evolution of the socio-political order of our country.

The social capital of the police force of the Islamic Republic of Iran has an important role in advancing the goals of the police force of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Efforts to promote this capital have formed one of the most important concerns of the officials of the police force of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this study, the social capital of the I.R.I. police force is: "A set of capacities and capabilities and social resources of the police, including public trust in the police, public participation in the police, authority, acceptance and legitimacy of the police (in other words, public acceptance of the police) and the social prestige of the police in such a way that the use of these resources provides the ground for the production and reproduction of order and security in the community and the protection of the values of that community." This study seeks to answer the following question: how much is the social capital of the I.R.I. police in the city of Tehran?

In order to obtain the answer to the research question, the amount of social capital of the police of the Islamic Republic of Iran was measured by a survey method. The statistical population of the study included all citizens aged 18 and over living in Tehran. To determine the sample size, 600 people were selected using Cochran's method and multi-stage clustering method and decuple clusters. One neighborhood was selected from each cluster, and some blocks were selected from each neighborhood in Tehran using random sampling method4. Open questionnaires were completed in person. Based on this, 60 individuals from each neighborhood were randomly selected regardless of the population size of each neighborhood. In this study, in order to assess the validity of the constituent components of the social capital of the police force of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the LISREL structural equation model was used and also the collected data were analyzed using SPSS software.

The results of the study indicate that the social capital of the police in the city of Tehran is higher than average. Also, the results of the study of the components of social capital of the police force of the Islamic Republic of Iran, such as the level of legitimacy, acceptance of the police by the people, the level of public trust in the police, the level of police authority and readiness to cooperate with the police, the social prestige and dignity of the police were evaluated as slightly upwards average.

The social capital of the police force of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the link between the society and the rule of the system. Just as the promotion of legitimacy by the government increases police trust, so does social partnership with the police increase police authority. In other words, the social capital of the police force is a product of the tripartite interaction of political institutions (legitimacy and legal acceptance of the police), social institutions (social participation) and cultural institutions (trust in the police). 

In this research, we have studied the perception and encountering of the new generation of girls with the concept of virginity. The research focuses on the life experience of girls who have had free sexual intercourse. Each of them makes different decisions about their body and destiny in the face of virginity and non-virginity concepts.  In the theoretical part, we have used the purity and danger theory of Mary Douglas because of the overlap with the issue of virginity in Iran and the relationship between purity and impurity of the body in the concept of virginity. In the methodological section, the focus of the research has been on ethnography and fieldwork. In this study, 50 participants were interviewed. The age group of the participants is 18 to 30 years old, single, with university education, and economically and socially in the middle and upper-middle level. Young girls' perceptions and encounters with virginity are vague and complex. The young generation, with conflicts and contradictions between individual desires in sex and social pressures related to the value of girls' virginity, despite the initial violation of the norm, but eventually girls are forced to follow and accept the prevailing norms, and in order to be accepted in society they must provide physical virginity and they have to perform virginity restoration surgeries.

The history of political parties in Iran and the world indicates they are a modern phenomenon. According to legal documents, the number 21 principle of the Persian Constitutional Revolution and number 26 principle of the constitutional law of the Islamic Republic of Iran enjoin establishing political parties. Regarding this history, we can now sociologically and anthropologically study the structure, legitimacy, and policy of political parties in Iran. Mainly, sociological analysis of political parties in Iran has been theoretical, quantitative, and macro-level, and large-scale, and analysis of political parties based on fieldwork and at micro-level has not been noticeable. This study will analyze and redescribe the politics and logic of performance of political parties of Fasa by ethnographical interviews. This study concentrates on legitimacy and institutionalization, how political parties present in elections, and education and their encounter with other institutions such as ethnicity. This analysis is based on interviews with political actors and assumes them as “experts.”  These experts, by articulating their percepts manifest particular ontology and influential relations that conduct what in this field is called “political party.”  The results show that the specific presence of political parties in Fasa has caused a schism between people and the political parties. The hierarchy in political parties, their dependence on the center, inability to performing their role as mediator between the state and people, and injection of values are significant also in this schism.

Criminal procedure as a measure of the degree to which criminal justice systems adhere to human rights has long sought to respond to crime. Although the procedure of the criminal procedure has important goals, but the main mission of the procedure is to discover the truth in the cases. Although in the past the process of discovering the truth was simple, with the rise in crime rates and the emergence of white-collar crimes, the discovery of the truth has been challenged; This means that the complexity of the crime has also made the truth-seeking processes difficult. However, due to the mission of criminal procedure as a chapter of hostility, judges try to identify the truth in various ways and, based on that, issue a fair verdict in a fair process. Due to the fact that the public expectation from the penal system is to investigate crimes committed and restore public order, judges have been given privileges according to which they can perform their assigned duties. One of the most important powers given to judges to discover the truth is the principle of freedom of reason; This means that judges, in the position of discovering the truth, can obtain any reason. However, the prohibition of abuse of power and the prevention of arbitrariness of judges has led to the recognition of the principle of legality of the study of reason in addition to the principle of freedom of reason.

There has long been a dispute between jurisprudents and scholars as to whether a wife is entitled to the right of lien in the marriage contract or maintaining it lacks Sharia basis or scientific acceptability. The reason for the discord among the scholars is the resemblance of some of the rules of marriage to those of exchange. Thus, a great number of jurisprudents have considered the marriage contract an exchange or as an exchange and have compared dowry and woman’s body with objects of exchange in a sale contract. Finding a solution to this deep-rooted discord may be the key to resolving part of the couples’ current dissensions. The result of the research indicates that the right of lien in the marriage contract, unlike the right of lien in transactions, has no acceptable Sharia backing and is repugnant to consolidating the foundations of family and the stability of family relations. The consensus of jurisprudents in different eras, due to the existence of narrative documentations, has been a document-based consensus and is not established. The present research has been conducted implementing a descriptive-analytical method with reference to library resources.

Unemployment has a high potential for creating crises socially and politically, and thus it can call into question the state’s acceptability and legitimacy. The state’s response to unemployment is to delay the entrance of the new labor force into the job market by providing educational opportunities, which has led to an increase in unemployment among educated people in Iran. An spatial difference in unemployment and share of unemployed educated people in the country, a chronic spatial discrimination and domination of the core-periphery pattern and its adaption on the habitat of ethnic groups increase political concerns and the chance of rising unrests in Iran. This article uses descriptive-analytical and statistical methods with an emphasis on the discovery of spatial patterns of unemployment in general and unemployment of educated people in particular. The paper applies the methods of spatial analysis of Moran and Getis – Ord Gi * statistics to address the question on unemployment patterns in Iran and their effect on the country's political geography. The results show that the spatial patterns of unemployment are different from those related to the unemployment of educated people, and the sustainability of these patterns over time has strengthened the uneven processes of migration and development leading to the people's perceiving these as political. The continuation of this situation from a political geography perspective is a major challenge for the state and government.

Discussions about the relationship between religion and state or religion and politics in the contemporary era have been discussed more than in any other period, especially in relation to the religion of Islam. However, Muslims in most post-Islamic historical periods have had religious states that were either characterized by Islamic descriptions or attributed themselves to Islam. However, the existence and continuity of states with Islamic titles or appearances in the geography of the Islamic world and throughout the history of Islamic societies have never meant that these states are real and complete examples of “State in Islam”. Therefore, it has always been felt that Muslim states throughout history, as a matter of fact, should be compared with the state in Islam, as a truth, to be compared to the extent to which these states have adapted or deviated from the Islamic standard state. In this regard, the present article, while reviewing and analyzing the book “History of State Transformation in Islam” and raising fundamental issues in the field of principles, goals, and functions of the state of the Prophet of Islam, as a standard Islamic state, tries to evaluate the success of the work in achieving its intended purpose.

The nomadic structure of the Qashqai tribe has an ancient history that has continued for nomadic life. The system had its own administrative political organization, which was shaped by nomadic living conditions and nomadic. At the head of this tribal system, there was a monk named Ilkhani, from the beginning of the formation of the Qashqai tribe, from the time of the Safavids, in the hands of a family called Shahilo. The main question of the present article is that what was the social political structure in Qashqai and how has the legitimizing mechanisms been implemented? The hypothesis of the article is that the social structure of the Qashqai tribe has been hierarchically in response to the needs of the tribe, and the structure of power in it is not necessarily based on the violence of the rulers of the tribe, but based on symbols, rituals and customs was in tribe. Therefore, the distinction between current research and this paper based on the theoretical framework of violence or symbolic domination, we study of the mechanisms and components of the legitimacy of the power of the leaders and attempt to study the subject from the perspective of historical sociology.

Each form of religiousness grows at the heart of a “religious society”, and a “religious” society is always to some extent organized. In the “sociology of religion”, the study of social dynamics related to the religious society is defined under the concept of “religious organization”. From long ago, one of the concerns of sociology of religion has been to study and understand the various methods of organization in religious societies. Through an analytical-descriptive study of different approaches and the transformations in this field, the present paper aims to extract “the main criteria” of these typologies. Extracting “the main criteria” would familiarize us with the logic of these typologies, and it shall contribute to presenting alternative, domestic typologies in the framework of Islamic tradition. Therefore, the method of research is documentary, and the main purpose of the study is to understand the fundamental dynamics of the typologies of mystical organizations in theoretical literature. With this purpose in mind, we have examined the available literature through two general approaches: a) a formal approach to the typology of religious organizations; and b) a quantitative approach to the typology of religious organizations. The formal approach is mainly based on Weber’s theories, however, the quantitative approach has been put forth in critique of the formal approach. By studying various typologies and their theoretical principles, we see that the two criteria of a) the extent of organization and b) the extent of tension against the host culture enjoy central importance in the typology of religious organizations.

The role of people in the formation of Islamic state based on the opinions of jurists in legitimizing to qualified Velayate-faghih according to the theory of election and appointment. The main structure of the difference between these two theory is based on the origin of sovereignty and the basis of the legitimacy of Velayat-e faqih, which differs from each of these views.In other words, the difference in the position of representation in these theories that the jurisprudent in this theory is the representative of God and the representative of the people is the basis of the difference in other works and the results of each of these views with the other.According to the findings of this research, it can be stated that the issue of Velayat-e faqih has long been mentioned among the Shi'a jurisprudents, and all the rulers of the Velayat-e faqih have explained it as the basis for the appointment by the Imams. Therefore, Imam Khomeini has been appointed by the Imam to the Velayat and has divine legitimacy, not the people, and the role of the people in this theory of efficiency. While in theory of election, the legitimacy of the velayat-e faqih is popular and the rights of the jurisprudents are limited by the people.

The purpose of the present study was to determine the effect of using the Monte Sur method on the level of socialization of preschool children in the education sector of Tabriz 4th district. The research method is quasiexperimental with pre-test and post-test design with control group and is applicable to the target. The statistical population of this research includes the preschool children of education in Tabriz 4th district with 6185 people. A random cluster sampling method was used to select a sample of the population. Firstly, a preschool was selected randomly from preschools in the four educational district of Tabriz city. In the next step, two classes of 20 people were selected, one of which was randomly assigned as the experimental group and the other as the control group. Montessori curriculum in 5 sections (daily living skills, sensory skills, computing skills of language and culture) organized and implemented within 3 months of learners. A questionnaire was used for collecting data. To analyze the hypotheses, covariance test was used.

The traditional rural elites in the Kurdish regions are among the local community capacities, which, given indigenous knowledge and authority in the administration of affairs. Now days also play a leadership role in developmental activities such as participation, justifying, convincing, gaining agreement, removing barriers and field preparation. In this research, with the emphasis on these experiences in the villages of Sardasht, the source of legitimacy of their authority in leadership the developmental activities in the light of the theoretical approach of Weber's authority and local development, and drawing on qualitative methodology in collecting and analyzing data has been analyzed. Based on the findings, the clerics, as the traditional elites with a popular and spiritual character, has a charismatic legitimacy, while providing religious backing for their legitimacy, and this has led to a sense of authority over the history of the local community. Another phrase has the traditional legitimacy in authority. The elders also have traditional legitimacy according to the tradition of adherence to elders in the local community. The results represent a combination of the legitimacy of the traditional elites, which is rooted in the religious and cultural system governing the community. The law in the local community is not the basis for legitimacy. The reliance of Islamic councils and dignitaries on new rural development management, the legitimacy of the local community traditions, can strengthen them in the direction of development and lead to their authority in managing issues that are in a weak state.