نشریه پژوهش ملل
پیاپی 53 (خرداد 1399)

The UN Security Council, as the main body of the United Nations - which, in accordance with Article 24 of the UN Charter, is responsible for maintaining international peace and security as the United Nations' main objective under Section I of the Article 1 of the Charter - has delegate a wide range of decisions to specially created sanctions committees in the context of their own sanctions methods. These committees, made up of the same 15 main members of the council, often decide on a number of vital issues related to violation of international peace and security. In the history of the United Nations, the legitimacy of Security Council resolutions has been challenged on several occasions. These challenges have been largely raised by governments that have been affected by Security Council decisions. Given that governments are representatives for the enforcement of Security Council resolutions, how to monitor Security Council resolutions, especially under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, is the main question of the present study, and as a hypothesis it seems that according to Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations, the Security Council has limitations on the exercise of its powers and duties, which are enforced by submitting an annual report to the UN General Assembly. The findings show that the Security Council's Sanctions Monitoring Committee always offers specific options for making a kind of valid and tacit commitment to the long-term interests of Security Council members.

One of the main components and characteristics of democratic systems, which is the manifestation of the sovereignty of the people and the right of the people to determine the fate of their country, is to hold elections and refer to public votes in various forms. This article is an attempt to explain the role of elections - as a political transformation - in the sovereignty of the people, which is examined in five areas: occurrence, origin, scope, method of implementation and limit. Therefore, the present article seeks to answer the main question of how the role of the electoral process in the sovereignty of the people can be assessed and analyzed by looking at the elections to the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran and how its components can be identified. Accordingly, using the descriptive-analytical method and using library method for data collection, the subject has been explained and analyzed. Finally, it was concluded that: elections, as a political transformation, are the main mechanism for the rotation of power and the participation of the people of the society in the decisions of their country - both directly and indirectly. In a peaceful way and from the bottom and within the society, this mechanism leads to changes in the micro-levels, and its implementation method is short-term and periodic. In fact, the purpose of the electoral process is, for the most part, transition from non-democratic systems and to establish and expand democratic institutions. At the same time, the people's sovereignty in the electoral process has been equivalent to their political participation, the precondition of which is "political socialization."

International organizations can promote democratization, but how exactly can they achieve this goal? We argue that in order to assess the impact of international organizations on democratization, we must be able to distinguish between avoiding the return of authoritarian regimes and promoting the establishment of democracy. While international organizations cannot directly prevent the return of authoritarian regimes to unsustainable democracies, through capacity building they can increase the likelihood that transitional democracy will be established. An empirical analysis of the transition of democratic governments from 1965 to 2001, in fact, confirms the hypothesis that international organizations promote the establishment of democracy without preventing the return of authoritarian regimes to unestablished democracies. We have also noticed that international organizations are the most important factor in the establishment of transitional democracies in the difficult circumstances created by the historical background of military dictatorial regimes.

China’s relationship with Africa has has been growing over the last two decades. Today this country has extensive economic relationships with Africa in areas such as trade, investments, financial helps and loans. These relationships had significant effects on areas of its political and security engagments with conteries of Africa. Thus it’s political and security engagments in Africa has been increased in recent years bilateraly and multilateraly that truned china into an effective global actor in the peace and stability of this continent. Containig economical and georafical cotexts turned the continent of Africa to a place of competition for global powers including US, Rusia, EU and China. These actors attempt to rival geopolitically with other global actors thorugh political and economical influence with the aim of expanding their intrests in Africa. Considering this, China is trying to provide a cotext to evaluate its poitical and military position in the continent alongside eaning economical intrests and in sum to evalutate its geopolitical position in the continent with the expantion of Belt-Road Inititive, which is estimated at hundreds of billions of dollars, to Africa.

Currently, terrorism in cyberspace has become one of the major challenges for the legal systems, especially the penal system. Cyber terrorism, despite being emerging, is more dangerous than traditional and classical terrorism, and its threats to the national security of states have become a potential threat. Using the analytical-descriptive method, this paper seeks to further clarify the impact of cyberspace on terrorism and to explain the characteristics of cyber terrorism. The results of the research show that due to the capabilities and possibilities of cyberspace, terrorist crimes and the realization of the goals of the supporters of terrorism have gone out of physical form and have taken on a cyber character, which is easier, less expensive and more secretive. The most important benefit of terrorists from the World Wide Web is to internationalize their activities. Meanwhile, what seems necessary in the first place is to prevent cyber terrorism in order to protect its victims.

The development of international law and the diversity and expertise of various judicial and quasi-judicial institutions has increased the participation of non-state actors, such as NGOs, in the process of settling international disputes. Accordingly, the Amicus Curiae institution, based on the request of the court or at the request of itself, by submitting a bill of the friend of the court without directly contributing to the case, expresses its opinions and information on the case in writing in court or verbally. The attitude of the judicial and quasi-judicial authorities varies about how this institution participates and authorities, such as the International Court of Justice, have a strict view of the involvement of court's friends and versus, authorities like European Court of Human Rights and International Court of Justice have a more positive view into this type of intervention. In this article, going to examine and analyze the concept of Amicus Curiae as well as the way of participating in two courts, The International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and the International Criminal Court.

The universality of human rights today is based above all on the establishment of these rights on the natural right of human beings to benefit all human beings, regardless of their religious, racial, or national affiliations, solely because of their commonality in humanity. But does the human being have natural rights as a result of its humanity? And can natural rights and the enjoyment of human rights as a result of the humanity of human beings and their equality in a concept called humanity provide a strong basis for the universality of these rights? This article considers natural rights and human rights not as objective and discoverable facts for human beings, but as inter-subjective and agreed realities arising from common human understanding - just like the current understanding of the ugliness of lying among human beings - and it is argued that the establishment of human rights based on natural rights and natural law without paying attention to its inter-subjective and understanding aspects, will not be able to provide a convincing justification for human rights, especially for its universality. The type of study in this research is descriptive and analytical. By using library and Internet resources and by examining human cognition of human rights and presenting another perception of concepts such as natural rights and human nature, attempts have been made in this article to provide a new concept of human rights and its fundamentals that can better explain human rights and its universality.