فصلنامه سیاست جهانی
سال دوازدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 44، تابستان 1402)

Important international players, including the US, have always used sanctions as one of their crisis management tools, particularly secondary sanctions that target third parties and are extraterritorial in nature rather than being official like primary sanctions. The US had increased secondary sanctions against Iran since 2012 to halt Iran's nuclear program. These sanctions persisted until the JCPOA when most secondary sanctions were lifted and many foreign companies resumed their businesses in Iran. However, after Trump was elected president and unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018, the secondary sanctions were re-imposed in an intensified manner. Despite its opposition to the US approach, the European Union (EU) has recalled its companies from Iran following the US withdrawal from the JCPOA. Therefore, the main question of this study is as follows: How did the US secondary sanctions against Iran affect the EU’s approach to the JCPOA? The hypothesis was evaluated through a descriptive-analytical method in response to this question within the framework of secondary sanctions. Accordingly, the US hinders the EU’s independent approach by imposing secondary sanctions against European companies, banks, and private sector in general. The results indicate that the EU cannot act independently of the US to resolve major international issues (e.g., the JCPOA) due to the structure of secondary sanctions. In fact, if the EU contradicts the general policies of the US toward Iran, the US will impose different sanctions on European entities. It will also place the EU’s private sector under pressure.

This paper examines ethics and politics. The authors have focused their research on the concept of "autonomy." Regarding philosophical or political approaches to liberalism, any discussion of ethics, politics, or justice is inextricably linked to autonomy. This article studies liberal narratives of autonomy alongside counter-approaches that have challenged liberal claims regarding the concept's political and philosophical applications. The authors conclude that the liberal conception of the autonomous individual as a metaphysical principle is the source of morality. During this investigation, it was determined that this metaphysical principle, in its border sense, produces a moral paradox in liberalism. The significance of autonomy in liberal ethics is the central question of this paper. As a working hypothesis, we examine the relationship between liberal ethics and autonomy in our search for the appropriate response. Textualism was used as a method in this paper. Unlike discourse analysis or hermeneutic methodologies, textualism focuses on the literal meaning of concepts and phrases. In other words, concepts are interpreted according to their meaning, not their authors' intentions, historical contexts, or discourse relationships. It is to interpret a concept in light of the organization of power in a society and its specific meaning in the text as it initially comes to mind. Due to this methodological requirement, the authors have attempted to provide evidence for their claims and hypotheses.

The inquiry into the theoretical model that shapes the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran yields diverse explanations. This paper aims to address the main question of identifying the theoretical model shaping Iran's foreign policy, while also exploring its characteristics and the consequences of its application on national interests. It hypothesized that the model shaping Iran's foreign policy can be described as magical neoclassicism, a combination of neoclassical realism and magical realism. Within this framework, Iran's foreign policy is influenced not only by systemic pressures but also by the configuration and foundations of power at the domestic level. As a result, a foreign policy emerges that is rooted in a balanced identity, influenced by the prevailing nostalgia for Shiite and Iranian myths. This influence gives rise to fantastical themes and challenges the conventional understanding of causal and temporal-spatial relationships. Consequently, there is a propensity to seek certain causal relationships and supernatural elements within the context of the real world. While adherence to this model has proven effective in maintaining the political system, safeguarding territorial integrity, and addressing narrow security concerns, its efficacy is limited in the realm of broader security concerns, linear and constructive engagement with the international community, and a comprehensive understanding of the realities of the international system and other crucial factors. Indeed, the recurring foreign policy crises experienced by the Islamic Republic of Iran, spanning across different governments, can be traced back to this magical understanding of systemic pressures.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, the series of actions of the United States in the expansion of NATO in the peripheral regions of Russia caused Russia's political and military provocation and the formation of this country's aggressive policy in the Eurasian region, such as the crisis in Ukraine. many believe that this invasion has also dealt a heavy blow to Russia due to the financial sanctions and logistical support of the European Union and the United States. An event that can lead to a serious conflict between Russia and the United States and the war in Ukraine will be worn out. The current research is trying to answer the question of what effect did Russia's war against Ukraine have on American hegemony? The proposed hypothesis is that the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022, due to the conflict of interests of Russia with the United States and its allies, especially geopolitical dominance over Ukraine, will become an arena for the decline of the American liberal hegemony. The aim of the upcoming research is to investigate the effect of Russia's war against Ukraine on the American liberal hegemony from the perspective of hegemonic stability theory. The research method is also an explanatory method that focuses on finding cause and effect relationships between the research variables to understand the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and its impact on the hegemony of the United States.

The strategic position of the Middle East and North Africa region in connection with the three Mediterranean seas, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, together with the presence of rich hydrocarbon reserves, the consumption market and the capacity to attract profitable investments in its infrastructure, has directed the attention of emerging powers specially China to the mentioned region. China's political economy is encountered with the large capacity of surplus capital and the need to export it, the accumulation of industrial production, the need to access consumption markets and energy sources. On the other hand, following the accumulation of economic power, China seeks to develop political-ideational influence in different regions and in the context of global power competition. The result of this important approach is the development and stabilization of China's power in the structures of the global political economy in general and in the MENA region in particular as the main agenda of the political economy of this country's foreign policy. In the current research, the question is addressed, what is the position of Mena in China's political economy and how is this country's approach to the mentioned region? The research hypothesis is designed based on the political economy approach in such a way that China's orientation towards the MENA region is a manifestation of this country's three lateral economic, political and cultural approach to power in the global political economy. The present research tries to go beyond the existing reductionist analyzes about China's interactions in the MENA region.

The developments of the current decade in the region have prompted China and Saudi Arabia, despite the numerous differences (geographical, historical, cultural, religious, and system of government) between them, to utilize each other's capacities in Asia in order to confront the challenges they face. The main objective of this article is to identify the main components and elements influencing and facilitating the China-Saudi Arabia relations in the framework of the neo-realist theory and understand the threats to the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran that result from these relations. This descriptive analytical research used library and documentary resources for data and information collection, and employed the theoretical approach of the balance of power to scrutinize and systematize the scientific observation and research findings. Waltz believes that the balance of power is the fundamental factor controlling the more powerful actors in international relations and allowing the survival of the weaker states. The main question in this study is this:" Based on which components in the framework of the neo-realist theory can the relations between Saudi Arabia and China be explained and evaluated?" The results suggest that systemic development, changes in the units (states), the approaches used by world powers, the necessity of making rational decisions, common sources of threat, common and cumulative sources of power, and achievement of economic, political, and military benefits are the components influencing and facilitating China-Saudi Arabia relations

The formation of auxiliary defense forces in Iraq took the form of a large number of militias affiliated with political parties and movements following the fall of the Baath regime. Because of the Iraqi security forces weakness in the fight against ISIS after 2014, these structures grew in a complex form. Militias affiliated with the Sadr movement have a special place among them in the interim. For reasons such as excessive ethnic-sectarian approaches and participation in political conflicts, these groups have become a threat to citizens' security and a failure of government authority.As a result, the reasons for Sadr's militia formation, the government's approach to them, and the extent and level of the potential threat posed by these militias to the government and citizens of this country are critical issues that must be investigated. Based on the above-mentioned issues, the main research question is "What were the reasons for the formation of Sadr's militias?" and the secondary question is “To what extent do the militias threaten the government and citizens?” This article was based on the hypothesis that the threat to security in Iraq was not the cause of the rise of Sadr's militias, but rather served as a legitimizing factor for their presence and served as a cover for securing the political interests of the Sadr movement, while also widely undermining the authority of official government bodies and endangering Iraq's political stability. The "historical trend analysis Method" was employed in this study.

This analytical-descriptive study And with the method of historical sociology, by using the theoretical foundations related to the concept of political stability and instability, it has sought to answer this question why Bahrain and Qatar, despite having similar characteristics in the indicators related to the economic (oil revenues), social indicators (lack of strong civil institutions), cultural indicators (subordinate tribal political culture), and paternalism political structure, have undergone different fates of stability and instability in the region following the Arab Spring. The research hypothesis indicates that Bahrain's political unrest following the Arab Spring was caused by factors including the country's history of Shia political upheaval, the unfair distribution of wealth, positions, and jobs, and Shias' perceived inferiority in society as evidenced by indicators of economic, social, and political governance. On the other hand, Qatar has enjoyed relative political stability since the Arab Spring, owing to factors such as a relatively homogeneous religious distribution (Shia minority), the continuation of relatively good welfare, economic, and social indicators, and gradual top-down political liberalization.

The Middle East region has always been the scene of conflict between great powers. This conflict has been considered due to the importance of this region from the point of view of energy supply and geopolitical equations for these powers. With the passing of the Cold War and the arrival of the digital age, the arenas of competition between the great powers also underwent a transformation, however, the competition between the great powers, especially the US and China, in this region has received little attention despite its high importance. In order to determine the status of this competition, we had to survey the development process of the region during the period of 2010 to 2022 to find various aspects of this competition. Here, the main question of our research is, to what extent has the competition between US and China been pursued in the Middle East? The hypothesis is that the competition between these two powers in the Middle East region was not limited to one dimension, and for this reason, in order to achieve a more comprehensive view, in this paper, we discussed the three basic dimensions of this competition such as political/ diplomatic, economic and military/ security competition. Our findings indicated the expansion of the fields of competition in all three sectors. Competition in economic dimensions for China and competition in military and security fields were more important for the United States. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method has been used, relying on documentary-library data.

The recent Turkish elections have concluded with President Erdogan being re-elected on the 100th anniversary of the Turkish Republic's establishment. Given Turkey's strategic and geopolitical importance, there is a question as to what changes will be made in the country's foreign policy strategy. Turkey has always prioritized its national interests in its foreign policy and focused on two dimensions: politics and economics. In the new presidential term, Turkey has moved towards a strategy of "balanced and equitable omnidirectionalism" after implementing a zero-tension policy with its neighbors and intervening in some neighboring countries' internal affairs. Based on past experiences, Turkey aims to systematize its foreign policy strategy by emphasizing realism and avoiding tension. This research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method within the theoretical framework of Neorealism to answer the question: What is Turkey's foreign policy strategy following the 2023 elections? The findings suggest that Erdogan, after regaining power, is adopting a comprehensive approach to balancing foreign policy and executing his long-term goals of securing national interests and improving Turkey's regional and international position. In his new term, Erdogan will pursue populist policies, expand relations with neighboring countries, mend relationships with the European Union, the United States, and Israel, and maintain his neutral gesture in the war between Russia and Ukraine.

The issue of security has always been one of the most essential human needs and the most important concern of rulers and one of the most challenging topics for scientists. The main question of this research is, what security strategies did the Imams of Masoomin (AS) use? In other words, this article has sought to achieve strategies for providing security, based on the perspective of Imams Masoomin, peace be upon them, who are considered the best examples in all aspects of human life. In order to achieve this goal, the books of Arba'ah, which are one of the most important Shia sources in the knowledge of the Imams of the Infallibles (AS), have been used as the text and the content analysis method has been used to analyze the data. The independent variable is mainly their time and place conditions, which is the reason for the difference in the characteristics of Ahl al-Bayt's strategies, and security is also considered as a dependent variable. The results of the research show: "According to their historical conditions, the innocents have used four security strategies of restraining power and exercising legitimate power, the security strategy of expediency, the security strategy of enjoining good and forbidding evil, and the security strategy of taqiyyah."