International Journal of Political Science
Volume:13 Issue: 1, Mar-Apr 2023

Public policy-making is a six-stage cycle, and the implementation of policies is one of the most sensitive stages of its formulation, failure in this stage leads to the failure of the entire policy-making process. Also, policy-making includes an interactive process between setting goals and necessary actions to realize them, which may be disrupted by many challenges, obstacles, and limitations. In this research, the goal was Pathology of implementation of rural development policies in the fourth and fifth development plans. This research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive and survey based on the nature of the data. The results of the research are presented in two qualitative and quantitative sections. In the main and qualitative part of the research, using the Delphi technique, we investigated the damage of rural development in the fourth and fifth programs. At first, using the opinions of experts, the gap between the existing state of rural development and the ideal state was determined, and based on the opinions of experts and the T-Tech test, it was determined that there is a fundamental difference between the current state and the ideal state. and in the current situation in the indicators of employment status, housing, medical and treatment facilities, digital infrastructure, transportation and communication route, industrial agriculture, welfare and recreation, cultural-educational, tourism and underground water the average quality was low. Therefore, the necessity of carrying out the pathology of the implementation of rural development policies became clearer. Then, based on the theoretical background of the research, as well as interviewing and completing the questionnaire by specialists and research elites, the indicators of developmental pathology were compiled, and finally, the final model of the questionnaire was compiled, and the quantitative results of the questionnaire were extracted based on the answers of the participants in the research. In the quantitative analysis and chi square test results, it was shown that the role of policy indicators, juridical and legal obstacles, political, social and economic factors, motivations and attitudes of executives, administrative system and bureaucracy, are insufficient and inappropriate. The lack of tools is significant in the absence of rural development.

During the Qajar period, women were subjected to severe restrictions due to patriarchal and traditional society, and due to illiteracy and lack of presence in society, they suffered from ignorance of the environment and ignorance due to lack of connection with the outside world. In addition to associations, women created women's magazines and newspapers to raise awareness and protest their status. The Constitutional Revolution led to the gradual presence of women journalists and women's publications in the press arena. This was not easy to do because religious and traditional communities were among the factors limiting women's activities. For this reason, the question arises that what effect did women's publications have on the promotion of the position and situation of women in Qajar society? Given that after the Constitutional Revolution, newspapers were one of the most important media outlets, the hypothesis is that women, like other sections of society, have expressed their views and goals through publications and tried to raise awareness and change the mentality and attitude of women. The results of the research show the growth of awareness, change of attitude and the entry of a large number of women into society. Because with the entry of the first Pahlavi period, submissive women without claiming the Qajar period, have become aware and demanding women and have raised demands such as equal rights with men and the right to enter society and employment, which is mainly the result of the activities of Qajar periodicals. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical and the data are collected in a library method.

This article criticizes the process of nation-state building in Iran based on the facts in the country's political structure and specifies the factors affecting the non-formation of nation-state building in Iran on what mechanisms are based and why this category is in the Islamic Republic. Iran has not succeeded. The most important assumption should be made on the structure and the transnational nature of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its intellectual foundations, because this structure, behind its political ideology, which came from the Islamic Revolution of Iran and religious teachings, rather than the concepts of national unification emanating from history, The culture, language and mythological system existing in a common geographical border relies on values and principles that are transnational and global and can influence from a small group to the whole world. In this article, the descriptive-analytical method of the library type is used to study the texts, books and articles using the fishing technique.

The position and relationship between the government and the civil society has always occupied the minds of political thinkers, especially in the modern period. In general, governments assume different roles depending on the application of different approaches. From the point of view of the relationship and the type of influence of the government on the society, there have always been two competing views, which are rooted in the thoughts of two prominent political philosophers: John Locke and Karl Marx. In John Locke's view, the government is a mediating entity, limited and conditional, based on the principle of consent and with the aim of creating peace and public welfare based on the social contract and the right of public rebellion in times of inefficiency and disobedience to the law, and ultimately independent of civil society. And in the view of Karl Marx, the concept of government is based on three different opinions. The government as a means of suppressing the working class, the government as an arbiter or mediator, and finally the government as a function of the changing economic infrastructure, and ultimately relying on classes of society.

According to the reports of relevant national and international authorities about corruption, the rank of Iran is high according to the determined indicators. In such a way that among the 133 evaluated countries, it has been ranked 79th, which has harmful effects on the country's development. What is certain is that many efforts have been made in the field of administrative health in Iran. However, administrative health policies have not been very successful with regard to the injuries suffered. The main purpose of this article is to identify the harms of administrative health policies in the areas of planning and formulating policies, implementing and monitoring the implementation of administrative health policies, and designing its conceptual model. Therefore, for the first time in Iran, this research has investigated the damage components of administrative health policies by using the existing theoretical foundations. The statistical population of this survey consists of 390 employees and academics in the fields of political science, law, management, and economics, in five provinces of the country (Tehran, Golestan, East Azerbaijan, Qom, and Hormozgan); which were selected by multi-stage cluster sampling method. The findings of the survey show that the following components are confirmed as damages of administrative health policies:1- Damages related to the formulation of administrative health policies.
2- Damages related to the implementation stage of administrative health policies.
3- Damages related to monitoring the implementation of administrative health policies.

Humans in today's world are always in a decision-making situation. In this regard, political decisions are more sensitive. Today, decision-making has become scientific and various organizations and universities are active in this direction. One of these faculties established in our country is the Faculty of Governance. So, the purpose of this faculty is to train forces for different intellectual and management levels, including policy design and formulation and even policy implementation. Therefore, the author of the current study seeks to discover the impact of the faculty of governance on decision-making developments, especially political decisions. The current research continues with the question of how can the faculty of governance affect the quality of decisions, especially political decisions? Also, according to the SWOT theory, how can the role of this faculty in maximizing or minimizing the quality of these decisions be defined and future researched? Also, what achievements can each path seek? In this regard, the faculty of governance is the independent variable of the research. Also, decisions have the role of a dependent variable that can assume two states of maximum quality and minimum quality. In this article, the method of collecting information is in the form of library documents, and the SWOT strategic analysis method is also used for data analysis.

The Middle East and North Africa constitute one of the strategic and most significant regions in the world with a turbulent history. The region witnessed the birth of various countries and tense developments from the second decade of the 20th century until the middle of the century, and most of the countries in the region, including Arabic countries and Israel, emerged during the period. In this regard, the countries in the region have experienced conflicts, wars, invasions, and, sometimes, peace, in their relations with Israel. The latest development in this respect is the Saudi-led normalization of ties between some Arabic countries and Israel to oppose Iran and its axis of resistance. Though this has posed a number of threats to Iran’s national security, some opportunities are evident in it, as well. Thus, the main question of the present study is what opportunities the normalization of ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel can have for the empowerment of the axis of resistance. The study utilizes a descriptive and analytical methodology to answer the question, and the overall result of the study – i.e., the tested hypothesis – shows that opportunities like the creation of chasms between the government and society in Saudi Arabia, the pressure felt by Fatah and the need to reconcile with Hamas, Muslims’ reaction to the negation of the Palestinian Dream by Saudis, the creation of chasms between the government and society of Israel, and the gradual withdrawal of the U.S. from the region are all factors that can boost the axis of resistance based on the existence of groups who oppose the process of normalization across Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Islamic world at large.

Space has increasingly shaped the discourse of international relations in the 21st century. Space has always been an attractive area for cooperation and competition between governments and especially great powers. Space is a relatively new and developing scene in the international system. The launch of Sputnik not only created the space race, but also accelerated the arms race and intensified the Cold War between the two rival superpowers. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union dominated space activities. At the same time as the competition that has formed in space, there are sometimes collaborations, the International Space Station is one of the projects that brings together space countries and is seen as a symbol of cooperation between governments in space. However, there is still a sense of competition for supremacy in space even in the presence of such cooperation among all governments, whether those who are superior in terms of space technology or those who have less technological ability. The main question in this article is what role does space play in cooperation and competition between great powers? The hypothesis is that the great powers were always competing and seeking superiority in space from the beginning, and based on the theory of neo-realism, they cooperate with each other in space only to secure their interests and protect their space assets.

The expansion of economic relations in the shadow of diplomatic relations is considered one of the most important approaches to the development of political systems. This issue is especially important for developing countries so that they can implement an important part of their development-oriented policies by insisting on expanding economic relations with international economic powers. The important issue is that the Islamic Republic of Iran has faced deep challenges in achieving its economic development goals, many times, due to the sanctions policies of the United States. This problem becomes more realistic when the economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is basically uniaxial and based on oil exports. Today, investment is called as the engine of economic growth and since investment leads to the creation of employment, economic growth, social welfare and income for the country and has a significant impact on components such as bargaining, international prestige and dealing with threats. Therefore, Iran's acceptance of China's investment as a superpower in the economic market and its oil strategies, in addition to securing the interests of both countries, will include the realization of the vision of the oil industry and the breaking of American sanctions against Iran. ; Therefore, from the point of view of Iranian politicians, the policy of looking to the East and attracting foreign investment and specifically strengthening political and economic relations with China is a correct strategic policy, which in addition to breaking the sanctions, can lead to internationalization and extensive interaction with the world, especially the countries The Eastern Bloc fought against it with the aim of preventing the United States from building a consensus in the international system and accompanying other international powers.

The contrast between tradition and modernity has always been criticized throughout the history of political thought, and many thinkers have presented their views in this field in the Western and Islamic worlds. Meanwhile, the concept of modernity in the thought of Dariush Shayegan as a free thinker and Seyed Hossein Nasr as a traditional thinker and theorist is examined in this research. The theoretical framework of the research is a combination of Carl Gustav Jung's collective psychoanalysis and other hermeneutics theories. This research aims to answer the question, what is the approach of Dariush Shayegan and Seyed Hossein Nasr in facing modernity? The findings of the research also indicate that Dariush Shayegan as an Iranian thinker and intellectual underwent important changes during his intellectual life, and for this reason, his early views have very significant differences with his later opinions. On the other hand, Seyed Hossein Nasr, like Shayegan, is an ardent critic and opponent of modernity, and he believes that reforming religion leads to the deconstruction of religion and that there is no end except secularism and anti-religion. But his full-length defense of religious pluralism makes it difficult to make a final judgment about his thoughts. The method of descriptive analytical research and the method of collecting data is documentary.

In today's era, there are few governments willing to consider their sovereignty based on domination and force, or hereditary rule and not claiming legitimacy due to the acceptance and support of the people. Although many governments maintain the appearance of democracy (show elections, puppet parties) have an absolute and authoritarian nature. Therefore, observing the principles and determining the principles in the constitution along with the guarantee of implementation is a necessary and sufficient condition for the establishment of democracy in any country. Which provisions of the constitution have satisfied the establishment of democracy in the constitution of Iran? This is the question of this article. The dual control and restraint of power (separation of powers on one hand and the creation of a supervisory body to supervise them on the other) is to control power (check & balance system) and prevent the body of power from violating legal limits and attacking democracy. The following items are among the important means of guaranteeing democracy in Iran's constitution. judicial supervision (prosecution of crimes caused by abuse of power and civil responsibility); political surveillance (investigation, questioning, impeachment); Hierarchical supervision and public supervision (parties, publications, commanding good and forbidding evil, principle 8).