فصلنامه روابط خارجی
پیاپی 59 (پاییز 1402)

The regional order control system has been affected by the change in the structure and the change in the pattern of the international order.in the meantime, one of the campaigns to control the order of the Iranian network is the erosion of the unipolar structure of the global system and the emergence of new centers of power in the form of multiple configurations.based on this, the main question is raised, what effect does the multibody structure of regional orders have on the order control patterns of regional powers in Iran's regional network?In this article, it is argued that the multibody structure moves regional order control patterns from axial polarity to axial centers, based on this, order control in Iran's regional network in the dimensions of structures, dynamics, cycles, actors' behaviors and strategy of control has changed and the control of order in Iran’s regional network is set based on the cluster-adaptive strategy of multibody nested networks. Using the abduction method, in the first step, the present research examines the emergence of various elements of order in the form of structures, power cycles, dynamics, and control models, and provides a suitable theoretical framework for emerging realities in the form of complex networks. By using it, order in Iran’s regional network is explained. Finally, the cluster-adaptive control strategy based on the concept of focality and appropriate to the regional environment of Iran is explained as the inovation of the research.

The strategic competition between the United States and China, which had already begun, has become more serious since the beginning of the second decade of the new millennium. This strategic competition, which has had a major influence on US Indo-Pacific policy, has promoted Washington's strategic shift to the Pacific region. To balance China in East Asia, Washington has significantly reduced its presence in many regions of the world, including the Middle East and Europe, and focused on the Indo-Pacific region. This paper aims to examine the impact of strategic competition between the United States and China on US Indo-Pacific policy.The paper seeks to answer this question: how strategic US-China competition has affected U.S. Indo-Pacific policy, regional competition, and Iranian activism? The main hypothesis of this paper is that the US-China strategic competition has led the US to shift its policy focus from West Asia to the Indo-Pacific region and coalitions to prevent China's seizure of power and expand its sphere of influence, and increase regional competition and sinusoidal tensions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States in the Middle East.The methodology used for this paper is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. Library and internet sources are used to collect data and attempt to analyze the sources as well as check the hypothesis theory.

One of the important topics that was raised in diplomatic and academic circles after the Cold War was the discussion of reforms in the UN Security Council. At that time, two general objections were brought to the Security Council: illegitimacy and inefficiency. One of the suggested ways to solve this problem was to increase the number of members and various plans were also presented in this regard. India has been one of the contending countries for permanent membership, and for this purpose, it proposed the "Group of Four" plan. Population, size, democracy, nuclear capability, and effective cooperation with the United Nations have been among the reasons for India's candidacy for a permanent seat in the Security Council. The question of this article is why New Delhi is seeking a permanent seat? The hypothesis of the article, which has been examined in a descriptive-analytical way, is that India is seeking international status by becoming a permanent member of the Security Council. A country that achieves international status is able to take advantage of this status to acquire and exercise power and influence and elevate its position to a position beyond the current rank. The findings of the article showed that the efforts that India has made so far are insufficient and a new strategy is needed to achieve the goal.

Current events and trends show the change of the international order; On the one hand, the decline of American power as the most important and effective actor supporting the existing order has accelerated, and on the other hand, new poles of power have emerged. The weakening of previous alliances and coalitions and the formation of new alliances and coalitions and the increasing resistance of the actors protesting the current order are examples of the changing trends governing the world. In this regard, the main question of the article is what are the coordinates of the international order in transition and what are the consequences for Iran? Using the theories of diversity and plurality of power in the international system, this article has come to the conclusion that the most important opportunities of the international order in transition for Iran include the gap between the great powers in international crises and the creation of a space for active action for Iran's J.A., highlighting the nodes of A new regional economic solution for Iran is to reduce the consensus of world powers on international principles and norms and create a new normative space for anti-hegemon powers like Iran. On the other hand, the most important challenges of the international order in transition for Iran include the cautious policy of some emerging powers and complexity for the role of J.A., increasing regional competitions and conflicts, facing Iran with various cyber threats and increasing uncertainties in Iran's strategic environment.

Realist theories in international relations have always had a special and focal position, and many thinkers and researchers have elaborated their intellectual foundations within the framework of realist assumptions. The realist theories of international relations can be divided into different categories from different perspectives, including the modern/classical and defensive/offensive categories. Each of the thinkers of realism in international relations have sought to present theories that have acceptable explanatory power and predictability, and at the same time have basic and coherent requirements, so that the name of theory can be given to it. In this regard, in a book entitled "From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role", Farid Zakaria has explained the basics and presented his theory under the title of "state-centered realism", which, in criticizing defensive realism, has explained the theoretical explanation of America's foreign policy and how to increase its power. and the interests of this country in the period of 1865-1908. Accordingly, in this article, we seek to explain and analyze the basics of this theory, as well as state its flaws based on the concepts contained in it. The basic questions of this research are as follows: First, what has this theory brought to the realist school of international relations? And secondly, what defects does it have? The research method is descriptive-analytical with emphasis on the theoretical concepts found in the mentioned book.

Todays, there are at least two views and different images of the power of the West. The first picture says that with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, Western hegemony and values are spreading to other regions and civilizations of the world, and Western values will continue to play a major role in shaping the future political, economic and security relations of the world. Based on this point of view, nonwestern societies will need to follow western values in order to achieve development, otherwise they will not be able to achieve ideal progress. Against this optimistic view of the West, there is another image that introduces the Western civilization in decline and degeneration. This narrative believes that the current century should be considered the beginning of the end of Western power. From this point of view, it seems that Iran and China have a common vision to contain, reduce or confront the global hegemony of the West. From a political and ideological point of view, Iran has been able to redefine the anti-hegemonic power in the West Asian region, and on the other hand, China's economic performance has been able to expand the Chinese development model in the world and design a full-scale competition against the American hegemony. Meanwhile, most of the leaders of Iran and China believe that the current system ruling the world under the leadership of the United States is unfair and the existing international system cannot and should not continue to rule on this basis. The main question of this article is how the leaders of Iran and China view the structure of the international system. The findings of the research using the discourse content analysis method show that while the Iranian leaders' view of the structure of the international system is confrontational and philosophical, the Chinese leaders' view of the structure of the international system is based on political and economic cooperation. The article shows that despite the similarities between the discourses of the leaders of Iran and China, the critical positions of the leaders of the two countries towards the international order and the attempt to weaken the American hegemony have fundamental differences.

Since the fall of Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, to the hands of the Taliban in August 2021, Afghanistan has become a major source of concern for countries in the region and for the international community in general, especially as the country suffers from three main challenges: A person who has caused socio-economic unrest. The growing threat of terrorism originating from Afghanistan due to the inability of the Taliban movement to contain the terrorist groups present in Afghanistan, as well as the refusal of this movement to cooperate regionally or internationally to deal with this threat, the Taliban's refusal to accept the political participation of other ethnic minorities, legitimacy The regime questions this movement for the people of Afghanistan and the international community, and as a result increases the possibility of political and security unrest in the country. In such a situation, the question arises, what will be the future of Afghanistan's political and security life under the leadership of the Taliban? In response, it can be said that according to the existing challenges, three scenarios of "coup within the movement", "the fall of Kabul under the rule of "Islamic Government Organization - Khorasan Province", "the emergence of a parallel government with the revival of the Northern Alliance" can be imagined for the future of Afghanistan. . The research method is qualitative and prospective.

The Syrian crisis which began in 20111 with anti-state demonstration against its president is still ongoing after a decade. This country has become an arena of struggle between rival armed forces, both domestic and foreign. The main purpose of the current research is to decipher the patterns and elements governing the continuation of the Syrian crisis despite the harmful human and financial losses in the life span of this country. The question arising from this research is that: How can the problem of stability and continuation of the Syrian crisis be understood after a decade of conflict? The hypothesis that is proposed in the answer is that the insistence of domestic, regional and extra-regional actors on the rules over the win-lose game and the lack of political compromise is considered to be the cause of the stability of the Syrian crisis. The findings of the research show that the intensity of conflicts of interests of the stakeholders in the Syrian crisis has created a zero-sum game at the internal, regional and extra-regional levels, which is not offer a positive perspective in coping with the crisis in a short period of time. This article has been written using descriptive-analytical method and library sources.