نشریه دولت پژوهی ایران معاصر
سال نهم شماره 4 (زمستان 1402)

Although the increase in foreign currency income due to the increase in the price of oil in the world markets has increased the ability of this government to carry out measures such as paying cash subsidies, distributing equity shares and implementing the Mehr housing project, but it has inadvertently led to the authoritarianism of the government, which now considers itself the guardian of the people. He saw it, until the excessive oil wealth overshadowed the need to be accountable to questioning groups, and as a result, with the spread of the subordinate political culture, the government found itself without the need for democratic legitimacy."Benefiting from oil revenues is the support of the plan of popular ideals which, by strengthening the rentier nature of the government, increased the dependence of the weak and middle classes of the society on the government, and reduced the accountability of the government to the people, which is one of the essentials for the realization of democracy in any society", the hypothesis of this article. In response to the main question, why should democracy be included in the government claiming to be democratic? The findings of the current research, which has been conducted using descriptive-analytical methods, show the lack of fair distribution of wealth from oil revenues in the Bahar government, and as a result, people face new forms of "crony capitalism" reproduced by wealth-oriented political powers, while Decreasing the necessity of the government's accountability to the citizens, by denying the possibility of turning Iranians into knowing agents and subjects and continuing to remain in the state of objects and subjects of criticism, the autumn season of democracy took place during the rule of the Spring government

There are different ideas about democracy. One of the relatively new views that have been raised in this regard is the view of democratic pluralism. According to this view, the basis of democracy is the plurality of active groups in politics and their competition in the form of elections to gain power. In general, pluralist democracy is based on three principles: multiplicity of sources of power and groups, competitive electoral system and lack of desirability of broad political participation.The current research tries to look at the political situation of Iran in the years after the Islamic revolution based on the theory of democratic pluralism. In Iran, after the revolution, for various reasons, political parties have not had an effective presence in politics, and instead of them, political factions have been active in the political arena. The question of the current research is, "What were the reasons for the continued multiplicity of active political forces in Iran's political arena after the revolution, and what effect did this multiplicity have on political development in Iran?" The hypothesis is that in the years after the revolution, despite the desire of each of the factions to eliminate the rival faction from the political arena, the plurality of political factions has continued and this continuity is rooted in the social base of different factions. Descriptive-analytical method has been used to test the hypothesis. The findings show that the continuation of the plurality of political factions in the years after the Islamic Revolution and their competition has prevented the complete unification of power and the destruction of democracy

One of the issues of countries is providing national security, so that national governments always seek to provide security for the preservation and development of their country; Even some political thinkers have said that the existential philosophy of the government is to maintain security and the reason of the country and a government is to protect the privacy of security; Countries in the past and present have used different behavioral patterns to maintain and achieve national security. One of the patterns that is of interest to ensure security is the pattern of collective security; in this article, an attempt will be made to investigate this with thematic analysis What is the place of the collective security pattern in the politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of the research show that in the opinions and thoughts of the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran on the one hand and the upstream documents on the other hand; as influential sources on the politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Directly and indirectly, there are codes and components indicating attention and emphasis on the collective security pattern to ensure national interests and security

The alienation of power from spirituality in the liberal-democratic discourse has turned politics into an arena of hegemony with claims of morality. In the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, spirituality is the flow and movement in the path of Talah (love of God prior to knowing God and melting into his divinity). The Islamic Revolution claims that if Islamic spirituality, as one of the sources of power, is brought from a purely personal and internal matter to the sphere of society and politics in such a way that the individual, society and state are described as spiritual, then spiritual power will be produced. to be This means that the individual, the society and even the government with all its structures and agents can become like God.The problem of this research is that what claims and innovations does the discourse of the Islamic Revolution have in the category of power compared to the soft power of Liral-democracy? The result is that spiritual power is born from the discourse of the Islamic revolution, which, considering its nature, sources, types and applications, has such a capacity that it can overtake the discourse of soft power and become the dominant discourse in the course of the current historical curve. become Especially in the present era, when spirituality is seen not only in the East, but also in the most non-religious parts of the Western society

This research has been carried out with the aim of calculating the indicators of religious and revolutionary identity in Iran's political education and socialization. The method of this research was descriptive and analytical and the classification of the collected data was based on the library method based on databases, written sources and scientific treatises, which examined the religious and revolutionary identity from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA). The findings showed that the indicators of religious and revolutionary identity are: trust, seeking martyrdom, anti-falsehood, honor and perseverance, seeking justice and anti-tyranny, seeking freedom and independence, and governing. Also, the solutions for the integration of religious and revolutionary identity in the Iranian society are: Enmity, refinement and moral cultivation and elimination of corruption factors, following the guardianship and leadership. The pathology of the reasons and obstacles for achieving a religious and revolutionary identity in Iranian society included: the inefficiency of the mass media, the creation of economic bottlenecks by hostile countries, consumerism, luxuryism, and non-compliance with public interests. The results of the research show that the pathology of the reasons and obstacles for achieving religious and revolutionary identity in Iranian society and the proposed solutions can be useful in the formation of religious and revolutionary identity in the political education of Iranian society

From the beginning of Islam until now, the foreign relations of the Islamic state have been the focus of religious leaders and Islamic jurists, and the inference of rulings on the foreign relations of Muslims with non-Muslims has been mentioned in their jurisprudence discussions. In the current era, with the victory of the revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on Shia jurisprudence, one of the challenges facing this government has always been and is the way and scope of establishing foreign relations with other governments in the new world order. Especially in cases where communication with some hostile governments is necessary. Now, the question of the current research is that based on the jurisprudential conclusions of contemporary jurists, especially the late Imam (RA), what is the position of the principle of expediency in establishing military relations with infidels (military and non-military) and enemies of religion? The hypothesis of the research is that based on the dynamic jurisprudence of the Imam (RA) and some other contemporary jurists, new inferences and new interpretations of jurisprudential sources can be presented that facilitate the decision-making and decision-making of the Islamic government in establishing relations with governments, even hostile governments. Shows Based on this, the present study analyzed the Shia jurisprudential sources and the opinions of contemporary jurists, especially the jurisprudential opinions of Hazrat Imam Khomeini (RA) using a descriptive-analytical research method. The result is that according to the jurisprudence opinions of Hazrat Imam (RA) in the definition of absolute jurisprudence and the principle of expediency, basically the rulings of foreign relations (including military relations with the enemy) are in the scope of government decisions and do not have a definite and fixed ruling, and considering the expediency of the country and People, you can even give a preliminary order to establish some special relations, such as military relations with hostile states.