فصلنامه تاریخ روابط خارجی
پیاپی 95 (تابستان 1402)

Following the establishment of the British East India Company in the early seventeenth century, this company entered the economic circuit of Safavid Iran through a contract signed with Shah Abbas I in 1617. The company, which sought to acquire exclusive trade in Iran, soon encountered a competitor called the Dutch East India Company, who stole the lead from the English company in the field of trade in Iran, and the Dutch company took the first place in foreign trade of the Safavid Iran until the end of Shah Suleiman's era. The present study seeks to clarify the factors affecting Iran and the British East India Company during the reign of Shah Sultan Hussein using a descriptive-analytical method based on Iranian and non-Iranian sources. The findings of the present study show that the British East India Company was able to improve its trade relationship with Iran during a new contract with Shah Sultan Hussein and consolidate its position in Iran's trade. In this regard, factors such as the Shah's visit to the company's trading house in Isfahan, the merging of trading companies in England, and the strained relations between the Dutch East India Company and Iran during this era had a significant effect. In addition, the company monopolized Kerman wool export and was able to receive some arrears of revenue from Bandar Abbas's customs clearance.

The Shia Safavid government was established in the 16th century AD (10th century AH) in the vicinity of the 200-year-old Ottoman government and the newly established Uzbek government, both of which were Sunni. The religious policy of Shah Ismail I (1501-1524 AD/907-930 AH) was based on the expansion of Shiism, which was in contrast with the religious policy of his neighbors, who were preachers and promoters of the Sunni religion. In addition to the fact that this issue caused religious disputes and repeated wars with the Safavids from both sides, it led to the convergence of the two Ottoman and Uzbek governments against the Safavids. The purpose of this research is to examine how Ottoman and Uzbek political relations were established and its consequences on the Safavids in the 16th century AD, with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that the formation and stabilization of Safavid rule, the development of its territory, and the Shiiteization of society, which was accompanied by the increase in the number of Shiites, caused concern to the Ottoman and Uzbek governments. Therefore, due to the common religion and the difference in religious policy with the Safavids, the two governments, with the aim of overthrowing and resorting to the issuance of Takfiri fatwas and the declaration of jihad, strengthened relations with each other against this government and established the idea of political and military unity by sending ambassadors, writing letters and sending military aid.

Following the decline of the power of the Afsharid Empire, remote areas such as the Caucasus, whose control and protection were more difficult, faced numerous disruptions. In such circumstances, Zandieh's government became a new successor to power. Karim Khan Zand and the successors after him tried to create an era of authority and glory for Nader Shah Afshar, but their interrupted efforts were not fruitful. Based on the descriptive-analytical method and based on library studies, this research tries to examine how the Caucasian political and economic conditions influenced the time of the Zandieh Dynasty. The results show that the Zandiyeh government not only could not return to the glory era of Nader Shah Afshar, but the Caucasus was one of the first areas to show separate tendencies, which stemmed from ethnic and religious differences and weakness of central government led to the intensification of it. Following such conditions, the Caucasus community suffered a political and economic crisis and an unstable situation with a declining trend. The process was the result of the political weakness of the Zandieh government's power structure in the remote areas of the territory of Iran.

After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.

The Constitutional Revolution is one of the most important transformations in contemporary Iranian history in the present century, and the opposition of the Russian domination and influence over Iran and, at the same time, marginalizing the British were among the reasons for British support for Iran's constitution. With the realization of the constitution and with the change in Russian and British world policies, Britain has joined the constitutional opposition. In the present study, which is organized by an analytical-analytical method, based on the Jonnob Newspaper, the Jonnob Newspaper's views on this change of policy are examined. The study seeks to answer the question of what were the reasons for this newspaper's opposition to the British after the constitution. The findings suggest that the British economic interests were organized in the form of treaties and contracts such as the Lynch Contract and the 1907 Contract. Lack of attention to the territorial integrity of Iran, the distribution and smuggling of weapons in the southern areas, and the wake of Iranians after the constitution were effective in the fight against colonial contracts and privileges in opposing the newspaper's editors, and in this way, by presenting analytical studies, they analyzed the opposition to British policies.

The analysis of the political events and currents of the last two centuries and a clear and documentary drawing of contemporary Iranian political and social history is a political necessity. Inevitably, the success of Iran's foreign policy is linked to the issue of oil, and this success is best achieved when the country's foreign policy has an international orientation. In foreign policy, decisions are not the product of the work process and the task of an institution but the product of the effect of the position of those who have used their job position and played a role. Personal, occupational, incentives and bureaucratic characteristics play a major role in the decision-making process, and the psychological environment is a rich source of decision-making. Ideology and beliefs are the historical mental legacy, individual personality, and mental readiness of psychological environment variables. In the last two hundred years, Iran-British foreign relations have had many ups and downs, and the analysis of the political-oil issues of the two countries in this period is an inseparable part of the political-social history of Iran. The research method is an analytical-analytical that combines library and document studies with analytical accuracy, and according to Graham Alison's Theory, it evaluates foreign policy and the behavior of governments in terms of the wise actor model. Therefore, the present study attempts to answer the question of what effect the personalization of the kings and rulers of the desired period from the D'Arcy Concession in 1901 to the Oil Concession in 1933 had on the foreign policy of Iran and England regarding oil.