نشریه علوم سیاسی
سال بیست و ششم شماره 3 (پیاپی 103، پاییز 1402)

The present research aims to address the following fundamental question: how does contemporary political wisdom (Islamic political philosophy) analytically examine the theoretical underpinnings of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The study delves into the philosophical arguments presented by contemporary Islamic philosophers within the realm of Islamic political philosophy, with the objective of elucidating these theoretical foundations in a cogent manner. To achieve this objective, I employ an argumentative approach based on the analysis of primary data within the works of contemporary Islamic political philosophers, aiming to provide a comprehensive account of the theoretical foundations of the Islamic Revolution categorized into two main groups: general theoretical foundations, encompassing purposeful pursuit of transformation, social pursuit of perfections, and the primacy of human dignity, as well as more specific foundations such as monotheistic insight, the necessity of religious sovereignty, and the principle of enjoining the right and forbidding the wrong. I present arguments supporting the significance of each foundation within the framework of the Islamic Revolution. In conclusion, drawing from the perspective of contemporary Islamic philosophers, I argue that among the myriad factors influencing the realization of the Islamic Revolution, those related to the societal aspects of human and religious characteristics exerted the most substantial impact, echoing Imam Khomeini's emphasis on the paramount role of spiritual transformation and religious ideals of the populace in shaping the Islamic Revolution.

Qawānīn al-wizāra (Laws of the Vizierate) is a seminal work authored by Abū al-Ḥasan al-Māwardī (d. 450 AH), a distinguished Muslim scholar renowned for his expertise in hadith and political theory during the fifth century AH. This book delineates the responsibilities and conduct expected of viziers, while also elucidating the administrative structure of the vizierate system. Al-Māwardī's incorporation of both adaptation of Prophetic hadiths and direct or external intertextuality in relation to them, particularly in the form of citing Prophet Muhammad's sayings, significantly enriched the qualitative substance of this work. This study employs a methodological approach blending library research with analytic-descriptive techniques. It centers on identifying shared themes or cohesive nodes between the adapted hadiths and the content of Laws of the Vizierate, thereby examining the role of Prophetic hadiths in shaping al-Māwardī’s political thought in this treatise. Through thematic analysis of the text of Laws of the Vizierate and its intertextual references to hadiths, we discern the interconnectedness between them, revealing shared conceptual categories that emanate from al-Māwardī’s political ideology. This facilitates an exploration of his objective in reconciling the text with its intertextuality. The research findings indicate that al-Māwardī, in his endeavor to provide guidance and counsel for governmental officials, not only drew upon their behavioral patterns but also extensively utilized Prophetic hadiths across various themes addressed in Laws of the Vizierate, including the structural prerequisites for effective governance and the foundational principles of society. This strategic integration served to enhance the authority of his political prescriptions. Furthermore, al-Māwardī skillfully employed the thematic diversity of hadiths to enrich the discourse on governance through the power of literary communication.

Deterrence stands as a significant theory in defense and security within international politics, representing a key military doctrine embraced by global powers. In today's landscape marked by pervasive political and military conflicts, the concept of deterrence assumes paramount importance. Historically, the theory finds its roots in Western thought; however, considering the potentials within the Quran, it becomes plausible to formulate a Quranic rendition of this theory. Nonetheless, developing a precise scholarly theory of deterrence necessitates a thorough examination of its constituent elements, the conditions facilitating its realization, and its practical principles. This study endeavors to extract these fundamental aspects from the Quran. The research methodology employed herein is descriptive-analytic and inferential, with data collection conducted through the library method. The central inquiry revolves around delineating the components, conditions, and principles of deterrence policy from a Quranic perspective. The underlying hypothesis assumes that the components, conditions, and principles of deterrence can indeed be gleaned from the Quran. The research findings reveal that deterrence comprises four essential components: the invader, the deterrent, the tool of deterrence, and the subsequent action. To achieve deterrence effectively, certain conditions must be met, including possessing military strength, presenting a decisive threat by the deterrent, the presence of requisite awareness, and ensuring rationality on both sides. Furthermore, by adhering to specific governance principles such as understanding the enemy, preparing military forces, consolidating defenses, among others, the objectives of deterrence can be realized, and potential military threats from adversaries can be effectively thwarted.

One paramount concern facing contemporary humanity, arising from both national and international governance methodologies, is the outbreak of armed conflicts. These conflicts not only infringe upon individuals' right to a peaceful existence but also yield detrimental material and spiritual repercussions. In response to this pressing concern, some intellectuals have embraced a rights-based approach to peace, advocating for its recognition in legal and political discourse as a fundamental human right termed the "right to peace." This right can serve as a cornerstone for all stakeholders, particularly governments, in their domestic and international dealings. Central to this research is the pivotal question regarding the effects and outcomes of adopting a rights-based approach to peace within the realm of governance, as viewed through the lens of international documents and Islamic doctrines. Embracing governance founded on a rights-based approach to peace is anticipated to yield manifold positive consequences. These include the consolidation of sustainable peace, the establishment of security, facilitation of progress and development, s afeguarding of human rights, and the protection of basic freedoms.

The significance of regional organizations in restoring regional peace and security is undeniable. The Arab League, as the first regional organization in the Middle East, exhibited diverse reactions to the situation in Syria following the events of the Arab Spring. The primary inquiry of this research focuses on how this organization utilized its capacities to prevent the escalation of the crisis and facilitate the restoration of regional peace and security concerning the situation in Syria. Using a descriptive-analytic approach, this article delves into the underlying causes of the prolonged crisis in Syria and subsequently analyzes the decisions and stances taken by the Arab League, such as the suspension of Syria's membership and the imposition of political and economic sanctions. These analyses are conducted through the lens of constitutional commitments as well as political and legal considerations. The findings indicate that the twelve-year suspension of Syria's membership, despite its status as a founding member of the Arab League, not only underscores the complexity and multifaceted nature of the crisis at regional and international levels but also suggests that, in line with the fundamental objectives and principles of the organization, its approaches largely align with the interests of powerful Western governments and the expansionist policies of the occupying regime in Palestine, while running counter to the interests of the regional Arab and Islamic communities. Presently, the Arab League faces challenges such as dual approaches, decision-making influenced by its anti-Iranian members, issues related to immigration crises, and normalization of relations with Israel. From a regional perspective, the league's track record hardly reflects its role as an effective regional organization capable of resolving domestic crises within its member states or addressing international crises such as the Palestine-Israel conflict in line with the preservation of regional peace and security. Consequently, the Arab and Islamic region may continue to exist in a "region sans regionalism."

The present research investigates the structural and functional dynamics of the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy. The hypothesis suggests that Iran’s public diplomacy institutions, particularly those directed at the "export of revolution," play a pivotal role in inspiring and shaping the country’s public diplomacy efforts. To elucidate this hypothesis, the research draws upon John Millson’s framework concerning soft power, identity, and public diplomacy. Methodologically, the research employs data analysis, content analysis, and examination of the behavioral model of each public diplomacy institution within Iran’s foreign policy. The study concludes that following the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Iran’s public diplomacy encountered international pressures and strategic constraints. Notably, Iran’s public diplomacy efforts manifested through interactions with various actors aimed at achieving equilibrium amidst counteractions. The attainment of any agreement necessitates a balance of power and expectations, prompting Iran to pursue public diplomacy through "second-path mechanisms" in collaboration with other influential actors. Addressing crises and managing security and economic challenges constitute significant aspects of Iran’s public diplomacy behavioral patterns. Transparency-building and trust-making are identified as crucial initial steps, shaping the roadmap of public diplomacy to foster cooperative relations among stakeholders in resolving forthcoming challenges. Furthermore, the effectiveness of Iran’s public diplomacy within its foreign policy framework hinges upon domestic solidarity and the implementation of a relatively coherent roadmap to promote cooperation among diverse actors. In the post-JCPOA era, Iran’s public diplomacy strategy emphasized multilateral actions to mitigate economic threats arising from the reinstatement of post-JCPOA sanctions, thereby influencing the country’s political and economic landscape.

The current study delves into the political and social implications of securitizing protests in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The securitization of protest by executive and security organizations within the political system has become a contributing factor to numerous political and social ramifications for governments. Therefore, it is imperative to evaluate the challenges posed by these repercussions and their impact on the efficacy of political systems, and then seek solutions to address this issue. Utilizing a descriptive-analytic methodology in line with the Copenhagen School’s framework, this research demonstrates that the security repercussions of protests not only fuel people’s anger and distrust towards government officials but also erode fundamental societal values such as religious beliefs. Additionally, alongside its political and social repercussions, the securitization of protests also leads to economic ramifications for the country. Ultimately, in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the securitization of protests has morphed into a tool wielded by those vested in suppressing and silencing dissent. In critical circumstances, institutions securitize the atmosphere, amplifying protesters' anger and fostering discord among citizens and between the populace and the political system. Consequently, the political system loses one of its legitimate albeit extrajudicial tools during crises, rendering it unable to mobilize social capital and garner public support in times of security threats. As a result, the flames of protest pose a substantial threat to the very foundations of Iran’s political system.

The present research elucidates Iran’s economic diplomacy strategy in post-Taliban Afghanistan. Employing a descriptive-analytic and applied (practical) methodology, the study draws its statistical population from experts and university professors specializing in international relations, geopolitics, and political science. With a sample size of 35 individuals determined using the Cochran formula, the findings were analyzed using SPSS software. The results reveal that Iran’s role in its eastern geopolitical region, particularly in Afghanistan, is shaped by various factors and variables at the domestic, regional, and trans-regional levels. Key factors contributing to Iran’s role in the region include domestic dynamics and the evolving geopolitics of Afghanistan in the post-Taliban era, Iran’s capacity to engage with these dynamics, the ethnic diversity in Afghanistan with Pashtuns dominating, and the influence of Iran's civilizational characteristics in Afghanistan. Iran’s economic diplomacy in Afghanistan, following the rise of the Taliban to power, has faced challenges in commodity trading, although efforts are underway to revive achievements made during the presence of foreign forces in Afghanistan. However, energy exports encounter fewer obstacles, while transportation poses significant complexity and uncertainty, albeit with prospects of continuing previous policies. The primary challenges include legal issues related to water conflicts, drug smuggling from Afghanistan into Iran, foreign intervention in Afghanistan's domestic affairs, and illegal immigration of Afghans into Iran. Conversely, opportunities for Iran-Afghanistan economic diplomacy post-Taliban include shared language, cultural exchanges, the importance of Islamic ideology, and Afghanistan’s sizable consumption market.