سمیه توحیدلو

Social movements have been pervasive phenomena in the last decade and have been called new social movements because of their networked and different nature. The current article has tried to provide a theoretical ideal type of protest actions as an analytical tool, by using the theoretical formulation of Miguel Ebensor and the theoretical descriptions of the theorists of the new movements. From the distinction between life movements / insurgent democracy, with the revolutionary moment / Insurrectionary democracy and reforms / Conflictual democracy. In order to reach this tool, the theoretical works done about the movements have been reviewed and empirically, it has benefited from the content analysis of the texts produced about the 1401 protests in Iran. In presenting the theoretical distinctions of the above three categories, the issue of Iran has been marginalized and the theoretical distinction of these three categories has been presented from the point of view of indicators such as starting point, message, nature, organization, forming groups, leadership and representation, involved places, Media and purpose.

One of the most numerous titles of books and research (especially in the 90s) has been the study of Islamic lifestyle; And has been considered by government and cultural policymakers. In order to critically review these studies and the problematics of these researches, 30 articles and 14 books s have been selected; And these surveys were analyzed by qualitative meta-synthesis method and the "critical analysis" approach. This article tries to categorize and present the types of theories and methods used and the challenges depicted about religious lifestyle studies. After presenting a summary of the current state of religiosity and religious lifestyle resulting from the research, the essence of the research and the criticisms that can be made about them were considered. Ignorance of today's questions in studies, ignoring the plurality of lifestyles, turning research into commissioned by the government, unscientific extension works, underestimating indicators such as justice and power, limiting to individual and psychological approaches, polarizing studies, Lack of critical dialogue with the theories used and the presentation of obvious correlations between variables in quantitative studies are among the criticisms of these studies.

The purpose of this article is a historical study of the concept of fundamental rights and freedoms among constitutional thinkers. The article sought to provide a precise definition of rights, by the method of historical analysis, by more than 30 constitutional clerics and intellectuals; And try to offer an appropriate classification of each of their encounters with rights and freedoms. The conceptual and theoretical framework under consideration is how Kant and Rawls formed the modern subject; On the other hand, the existing categories of rights. Eventually, a ranges emerged in which believers believed that "freedom causes the spread of heresy and opposition to Islam"; "Political rights or the rights of the king and the humans"; "Economic and social rights to consolidate society"; "Personal and political rights" and "Fundamental rights and public freedoms as citizenship rights".

It has been discussed about age and generation category in various researches. In these studies, there are common linear and non-linear formulations from youth. In them, there are models such as attention to time periods, attention to socialization times and differentiation based on convergence and divergence centers, which in the last two models, refer to the social contexts of contemporary analysis of Iranian history. The main task of this article is to get a more accurate description of the existing formulations. An attempt was made to present a new model focusing on the newer generation (born after the revolution), with the help of the results of the same research and by analyzing the content of 13 books, 2 important articles and 8 national reports in this field and using theories of "generational mentality". Christopher Bals and Ronald Ingelhart's "Periods of Socialization." The final claim of the article is that if the generation of revolution has established its central center in revolution and war, the new generation of academics can reproduce a newer analytical center, such as the hedonistic lifestyle; And get rid of the discourse hegemony of the previous generation in relation to the issue of generations.

In this article, in a historical method, with the help of John Rawls' theories on the subject of justice, we have tried to understand the definition of gender justice and the existing categories of these definitions among the thinkers of the constitutional era. More than 30 of these thinkers were studied, through all the documents left by them; In the four groups of traditional legislators, legislators with an adaptive look, religious democrats, and secular progressives. In line with this classification, a range of their views were presented: from the most traditional view of gender justice to its most modern form. All members of this range have always been present in the scene of social conflict; And in each period, a part of this range has been highlighted depending on the circumstances, and has been able to gain more power and theoretical dominance.

This paper studies the internal conflicts of cultural policy making in the sphere of lifestyle in post-revolutionary Iran. Employing content analysis, it focuses on six developmental plans. Critical study of cultural policy making in these plans shows at least two major conflicts in the policies: the first conflict is between the outcomes of economic policies and the desired values of cultural policy making, and the second one is between the political chasm caused by the duality of cultural policy making authorities. In all studied plans, disregard for the interplay between the fields of culture and economics has led to a constant conflict between government’s desired cultural policies and the outcomes of its adopted Economic Adjustment Policies such as growing consumerism, demand for luxury goods, and widespread corruption in the privatization process. These economic policies have created a capitalist class close to the government whose lifestyle and value system are completely at odds with those desired by the latter. These programs have also ignored, excluded, or even violated a major part of society. The greater the number of excluded people, the less successful these policies get. The dual nature of state in Iran has institutionalized a permanent tension within these plans, of which only the fifth plan is completely devoid. Furthermore, lack of consideration for the interplay between the fields of culture and politics has promoted cultural legitimacy for those excluded from formal cultural policies while those responsible for this exclusion have been promoted in the political field. Consequently, there has been a contrast between cultural policymaking and the culture of a major part of society. Only the third and fourth plans abided by the values of plurality and difference in society through a more serious engagement with “citizenship rights.” Conversely, the fifth program was in total opposition to plurality and difference.