سید علیرضا ازغندی

Education plays a fundamental role in institutionalizing sustainable development. This research, which is a descriptive survey, seeks to identify the factors involved in sustainable development decision-making and the degree of deviation and the optimal situation in education policy. To ensure the validity of the questionnaire, in the first stage, the ambiguous points were clarified consulting the experts and in the second stage, using SPSS and the results of confirmatory factor analysis, those questions whose factor loadings had an effect on the fit of the model, were keep in the measurement model. Also, regarding convergent validity, Smart PLS was performed and the value of factors was greater than 0.4 which indicates acceptable validity. To measure reliability, both Cronbach's alpha and combined reliability test (CR) were used and in both cases, the value was higher than 0.7, indicating acceptable reliability. A combination of sampling methods, including available, purposive, snowball, and theoretical samplings was used. The statistical population consisted of all education experts and policymakers and the sample size was 70. Ten of the participants were selected as a qualitative sample for in-depth interviews and 60 people were selected as a quantitative sample. Finally, based on the output of PLS, the ranking of responsibility, future orientation, system orientation, practical skills, and individual participation, respectively, were identified as the decision-making factors of sustainable development in education policy, and it was found that there is a gap about one unit between the current and the desired situation in this regard.

This article seeks to answer the basic question of how the expansion of the material foundations of the modern state in Iran caused Iran's politics and government to be on the path of rationality for the first time. To answer this question, Max Weber's rationalization theory and descriptive-analytical method have been used. This theory indicated four basic components for the rationalization of politics and government. These components include capitalist economy, modern absolutist government, modern bureaucracy and formal legal system. By applying these components, we found that the government system in Iran was irrational until the renewal, and power was exercised by individuals and was not bound by any contract, organization, or hierarchy. In fact, the power was formed based on personal expediency and profitability and emotional norms. The salient point here is that the necessity of rationalizing Iran's politics and government emerged when the process of modernization in Iran was started by elites from within the government system to obtain a new civilization and harmonize with the evolution of the modern world to establish order in the country which was in line with compensating its backwardness compared to the west. According to this fact it can be said the patterns of the rationalization of Iran's politics and government which are also part of the overall process of modernization. According to the mentioned materials, it can be suggested that Iran's politics and government can become rational when it finds the rationalization components of its real formulation in the sphere of Iranian politics and provides the basis for the transition of Iran's politics and government from autocratic and despotic formulation.

The formation of an autonomous and later federal system in Iraqi Kurdistan has been the product of international political interactions and Kurdish nationalist struggles in the form of political parties. The experience of three decades of Iraqi Kurdish parties in governing, self-governing, developing new democratic institutions, and generating challenges to the growth of democracy means that the Kurdistan Region is a rich place to test the relationship between political parties and political development. The main question is: In the process of political development of the Kurdistan region, what role did the main parties play in the conflict of existing obstacles and resources? The research method is documentary method. Data included library resources, and interviews with ten experts in the field of political development at universities in Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan. Findings show that although the process of political development in this region has not been continuous, dynamic and increasing, but this region with the rule of its parties over the last three decades is moving towards a kind of minimal democracy.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran under the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA) entered into a full-fledged and strategic challenge with rival organizations and parties due to following the principles and foundations of the Shiite and Ahl al-Bayt (AS) schools. One of these organizations is the People's Mojahedin Organization (MKO) with eclectic principles and foundations, which was established in the 1340s by three members of the student branch of the 'Freedom Movement'. From the very beginning, this organization claimed to save Iran from the yoke of American imperialism and its internal allies (the Pahlavi regime) by resorting to armed struggle. This terrorist organization has been an enemy of the Islamic revolution and principle of velayet- faqih for five decades despite all the ups and downs of its activities. The long-standing conflict between the Mojahedin Khalq Organization (MKO) and the Islamic Revolution led by Imam Khomeini is in the religious, political, social and cultural fields. In the field of belief, non-belief in the universality of the principles and foundations of Islam and eclecticism with Marxist principles and foundations and 'confiscation of the desirable' Islamic concepts and values in order to cover and camouflage Marxist infidelity and atheism. In the political sphere, dependence on foreign and imported Marxist models. In the cultural and social context, disbelief in the real role of the masses in the process of revolutionary change.

The present study aims to understand how the process of rationalization had taken place in the Iran of the constitutional era. In the political philosophy, one of the most important conditions for a country to access to a rational society is the rationalization of its government and politics or the process of rationalization of government in three concepts. Substantial rationalization, voluntary rationalization, and bureaucratic and legal rationalization. The government in Iran only realized the importance of rationalization when the constitutional movement was formed. A movement that led to a break in the Iranian history and created a new chapter for it. Essentially, the three components of modern political economy, legal bureaucracy, and modern law have brought about a rational transformation of government in Iran. It is with this development that the government first emerged in a liberal and voluntary form and then took on bureaucratic, legal and substantive forms. What this study seeks to understand is how this rationalization took place despite the despotic government and rule of the social and economic relationships of pre-capitalist Iran. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and it aims to answer the question of how the modernization of government in Iran started and continued.

This article examines the relationship between the Rentier state and the middle class in the middle of the years of 1997-2005. The main question of this article is what is the relationship between the Rentier state in the current and the middle class in Iran? The main hypothesis of the paper is that the relationship between the state and the middle class in this period was a relationship based on mutual reinforcement, and government policies in this period, despite the Rentierism, were based on the strengthening of the middle class. The results of the research show that the reform government has tried to adopt policies aimed at political development, including in the area of civil liberties, Press freedom, anticorruption, government size reduction and accountability in line with the values of the middle class. The study of field data and reports from international institutions in this area also confirms that the status of the middle class has improved in this period.

The main objective of this article is to examine US foreign policy with the pioneering government of Donald Tramp and seek to rethink the presence of the United States and its interests in a region of major importance for the Middle East. The paper also examines Tramp's declared policy on the Middle East and the challenges it faces. The main question of the article is that what is the foreign policy of Tramp in the Middle East based on? In response to the hypothesis of the article, there are several factors involved in US decision-making and foreign policy, and Donald Trump's government, in pursuit of the goals of the United States and its government, contrary to its propaganda slogans and its opposition to policies The former president, as well as the decisive factors such as the pressure of the Zionist lobbies, Saudi Arabia dollars and other factors, have withdrawn from their declarations and inevitably forced them to follow the policies of the past (in the Middle East) And even seeks to increase tensions in the region.

Collection of institutional inefficiencies and inconveniences are an obstacle to local governments in Iran, one of which is the ruling rentier structure of the country. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the construction of a rentier system in non-developed or developing countries dependent on oil revenues is continually modifying itself. It is crucial to realize the influence of history, beliefs and ideologies created over time on this matter. Consequently, even in the face of the decline in oil revenues and the movement towards the creation of democratic institutions and the significant presence of people at the polls, it can be observed that these institutions become a tool in which expand rentier structure. To understand this, new institutionalism literature is to be used.

This study aimed to investigate the relationship between the trends of social identity in the new Iraq and its impact on Iran's national security with library research and use of the documents and certificates as a means to seek an answer to this question is that the trends of social identity the dimensions of national, religious and ethnic varieties in the new Iraq and its security implications for the country Iran?
The results in answering the question whether the new Iraqi identity trends affect the national security of Iran? Shows that the different dimensions of social identity, ethnic identity and religious identity in Iraq is more dominant than the other dimensions, especially national identity, and this has caused one of the most important indicators of identity that unity is the national identity Somewhat overlooked. This especially among Sunni Kurds and Arabs is more common, and this causes a tendency, especially among the Kurds is independence. Because least tendency towards national identity and ethnic identity of the Kurds is most inclined towards. So identifying weaknesses in the new Iraq has caused the country's federalist tendencies to be drawnand federalism in Iraq, a major religious and political groups, especially the Kurds turn. National security issue that affects neighbors, especially Iran and negative consequences to follow.

In order to the successful fulfillment of the national interests, the foreign policy benefits from the economic, cultural, and the propagandistic instruments as well as the diplomacy. Being aware of the fact that there is no need to utilize the instruments altogether, every state uses one or some simultaneously according to its political system, economic structure, military and propadandistic capabilities, and its impact on the decision procedure of the foreign policy. Accepting the influence of the economy and the culture, this article argues the impact of diplomacy as the most sophisticated instrument of foreign policy. It is only the diplomacy, in every circumstance, that can supervise the other instruments of conducting foreign policy and consequently is capable of removing the stumbling blocks of the foreign policy with its software power.