سید محمدعلی حسینی زاده

The problem of the modern state has occupied the mind and conscience of many contemporary Iranian thinkers, including the seminary neo-thinkers. Meanwhile, due to the wide range and diversity of his works and the wide influence of his words, Davood Feirahi is the most famous seminarian thinker who has pondered in this field and has created valid and worthy works. With a glance at Feirahi's works, it can be seen that the modern state and its challenges in Iran are among his main concerns throughout his research life, and in a way, all the works of him were written in this direction. The main issue of this article is what kind of idea Feirahi had of the modern state and what model of it he considered feasible for Iran. In response to this question, the article comes to the conclusion that despite serious reflections on the concept of the modern state and the examination of its challenges in Iran, Feirahi lacked a coherent and independent theory in this matter and did not provide a detailed explanation of his desired model in Iran.

The historical and sociological study of the Safavid period is of special importance due to the closeness of the political and social with today's issues. The main reason for this closeness and importance is the widespread shadow of the religion and propagation jurisprudence of that time. Therefore, it is important to study the religious approaches of that time, especially the writings, works and attitudes of Allameh Majlisi as one of the greatest clerics of that time. Thus, in the face of questions such as the reason for the spread of superstition in the religious community of the Safavid era, the social influence of the current epistemological system that has been influenced by religion and jurisprudence is also important. The belief of this research is that the approach of the clerics of the Safavid period to religion was like a comprehensive encyclopedia that has the possibility of explicit and direct answers to everything. This comprehensive approach, which focused on narratives, gradually led to the decline of rational-based epistemological systems and created the conditions for the spread of superstition.Due to the importance of studying these issues under historical attitude, the present study tries to explain this process in the theoretical framework of historical sociology.

The right to choose a lifestyle, which at the outset seems to be unrelated to political issues  and outside the institutional and formal structure of the state, may be regarded as a matter in the realm of politics. Hence, the possibility of the advancement of humankind is opened up— despite all the limitations and restrictions that have overshadowed his/her life— in order to devise other types of lifestyle.  The authors’ main objective is to examine the works of the post-revolution Iranian intellectuals with a modernist approach to "the political,” in which the choice of "lifestyle" is understood from a political perspective. This point of view as influenced by Heidegger's model considers the political at an existential or ontological level, and beyond the existing, objective, experimental, and institutional (ontic) ‘science of politics’.  This is a different theoretical framework and a new horizon related to an individual's lifestyle in which his/her political goals are constantly attempting to transform ‘self’ and self-realization processes— in a situation where official institutions and traditional authorities have no absolute role in providing standards and values of daily life. The authors intend to answer the following research question: How can the right to choose lifestyle be considered as the political stance in Iran’s intellectual current after the 1979 Islamic revolution? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the cultural views of Iranian intellectuals can be used in challenging the dominant discourse in order to present another way of existence and a different understanding of oneself and the world that differs from the hegemonic discourse. We can evaluate this issue in the framework of discursive and political processes, because the discourses that make society and regulate our understanding of the world are in essence political  structures. Using the method of qualitative conceptual analysis of the principal works of several influential Iranian thinkers, we examine their viewpoints on this topic. Therefore, in this article, after presenting a theoretical basis for the relationship between the concept of the political and the choice of lifestyle, the views of Mojtahed Shabestari, Soroush, Malekian, Shaygan, and Doostdar are studied. Their viewpoints respectively, represent religious, spiritual, identity-minded, and secular intellectual discourses on the issue of choosing a way of life. Each of them tried to critique the dominance of the ruling discourse using their own different perspectives (e.g., leftist, Westernist, modernist, nationalist, indigenous, and religious standpoints). Religion has generally been an essential element in articulating and shaping the semantic system of intellectual discourses in Iran in the years before and after the Islamic Revolution. In line with the function of intellectual emancipation, some intellectuals consider religion as a factor in returning to self and liberation from tyranny, exploitation, and colonization. In contrast, others consider religion itself as a tool in the service of the rejection of thought, monopoly, violence, and subjugation of humankind. 
These Iranian intellectuals introduced and explained the meanings of various concepts and issues such as religiosity, religious reading, religious reconstruction and reform, religious pluralism, traditional values ​​and patterns, individualism, self-realization, self-transformation, regeneration, the spiritual humankind, the original life, the transcultural state, the multiplicity of levels of consciousness, the experience of multiple modes of existence, the networked and rhizome-like existence, the mobile migratory subject, everyday life, selfishness, self-normality, and so on. We concluded that the culturalist approach of Iranian intellectuals in promoting and recognizing the right to choose lifestyle can be considered as a political issue (a political antithesis) in the post-revolutionary intellectual movement, since it contradicts the dominant models and values which are expanded and supported by the predominant discourse in society.

Review of management practices in pluralistic societies especially among predominantly immigrant liberal democracies, has led to the emergence of a new policy called multiculturalism. Although the use of multiculturalism in these systems has provided a good platform for management in multiethnic and multicultural societies, but criticisms such as the decline of national cohesion and common identity and the emergence of extremist nationalist groups have been included in it. The main purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework in which the application of the theory of multiculturalism in countries with a political structure of hybrid authoritarianism is illustrated. In this article, by examining the case of Russia and using the concept of hybrid authoritarianism, a combined approach called "instrumental multiculturalism" is presented. According to the findings of this study, it is possible to apply this concept in authoritarian countries or countries with hybrid authoritarian regimes such as Russia. As a result, multiculturalism is more instrumental and both democratic and authoritarian elements are observed. In this research, a deductive method is used and an attempt is made to explain the concept of multiculturalism and hybrid authoritarianism and apply them to Russia, then using the mentioned concepts and a case study to complete these concepts and a new analytical model. It is entitled "Instrumental Multiculturalism in Hybrid Authoritarian Regimes."

Superstition is the achievement of a society that has turned away from rationality. Why religious society such as Qajar, especially in the pre-constitutional era, fell into the trap of superstition, is the question that this article seeks.The answer given is due to the unpleasant merging of two different Streams of thought: the stream of jurisprudence-hadith based and the stream of Sufism. In general, neither of these two can be considered independently and necessarily the cause of the spread of superstition, but according to the social conditions of Iran and due to the proximity of the epistemological foundations of these two Streams of thought, reducing the position of rationality, Sufism hadith-based jurisprudence limits the space for dynamic and rational jurisprudence. Sufism hadith-based jurisprudence has overflows of superstition in society; because science is declining in this viewpoint. Therefore, religion loses its ability for correcting and reforming, in the absence of rationality, to answers to new problems; so superstition becomes the only haven of society.The present research is done in the framework of historical sociology and using the method of documentary analysis, by reviewing the works and documents of various intellectual streams of the Qajar era.

Foregrounding and exclusion are of effective processes in discourse debates in elections. In fact, one of the characteristics of a victorious discourse is that it has the ability to foreground its strong points and its opponent's weak points and to exclude its opponent's strong points and its own weak points. Having regard to the Laclau‎ discourse analysis and case study of 2017 election, the present research seeks to find an answer to the question "what were the victorious discourse strategies in foregrounding and exclusion?" Findings of the research which focus on Rouhani's election speeches, campaign documentaries, and elections debates are based on this proposition that he used otherness against former administration and spread its negative impacts on conservative candidates. He also sought to foregrounf his own strong points and his opponent's weak points with the use of mythical characteristic of his discourse. Also, with respect to the empty signifier and credibility, he used agenda setting of opponent's weak points and exclusion of its strong points. Consequently, in order to neutralize opponent's propaganda, Rouhani used security signifier in his discourse.

The requirements and characteristics of a superior electional discourse: (case study: 2017 presidential election)Voting behavior and the reason why a candidate win an election has always been a notable subject in social studies, particularly political sociology. Thus, with respect to discourse analysis and case study of 2017 presidential election, present research seeks to explain this important issue in Iran. In this research, first we have discussed the theoretical frameworks and then based on this framework, the reason for the victory of Rouhani's discourse –moderation discourse- have been explained. I believe that the reason for the Rouhani's victory is that first he created a more proper discourse. Secondly, he made the best use of context in order to reinforce his discourse. And thirdly, he used non-discourse factors such as a proper political activism, public authorities and social networks. Key words: election discours, 12th presidential election, Inter-discourse factors, context, non-discourse factors

Islamic ideas are promoted at different religious, social and political levels under the influence of different currents. One of the main Islamist currents that has carried out its covert and widespread activities around the world and has gathered populations of millions is called the Tablighi Jamaat. Recognition of different levels of performance and discourse of the Tablighi Jamaat is based on an academic model.

The study uses the theory of critical discourse by Fairclough (2001) and source analysis of Tablighi Jamaat as its methodology. The data collection of this article is based on library studies and descriptive-analytical method.

 It indicates that the grammatical-textual and discourse values of this group have influenced their performance in the social and ideological spheres.

 It also shows that the grammatical-textual and discourse values of the Tablighi Jamaat have led to their withdrawal from politics and the group's desire to invite, travel and propagate ideological principles through populist and informal methods.

Terrorism is one of the main variables affecting the security of the countries of the world, especially the Middle East. The Islamic Republic of Iran, and especially the south-east of the country, is no exception, and its security is affected by the concept of terrorism. Terrorist groups in these areas have been pursuing their own discourse and practice, and in doing so, have made discourse, assistance and mobilization of resources possible. One of these terrorist groups that pursues a discourse alongside military and direct action is Jaish al-Adl. Based on the necessity of a scientific and accurate explanation of the insecurities formed in the eastern regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this article aims at explaining the discourse and practice of the terrorist group Jaish al-Adl, using the model of Norman Fairclough (2001) and studying the sources produced and Will exercise the authority of the group. The method of data collection in this map is based on first class data and library resources and the research method is based on the critique discipline discipline. It is based on the assumption that the social and ideological affairs of the Jaish al-Adl group at the national and local levels are influenced by its lexical-grammatical values ​​and discursive value, and that its anti-security function is divided by its particular disciplinary elements and values ​​that The continuation of its indicators is introduced.

Islamic ideas are promoted at different religious, social and political levels under the influence of different currents. One of the main Islamist currents that has carried out its covert and widespread activities around the world and has gathered populations of millions is called the Tablighi Jamaat. Recognition of different levels of performance and discourse of the Tablighi Jamaat is based on an academic model.

The study uses the theory of critical discourse by Fairclough (2001) and source analysis of Tablighi Jamaat as its methodology. The data collection of this article is based on library studies and descriptive-analytical method.

 It indicates that the grammatical-textual and discourse values of this group have influenced their performance in the social and ideological spheres.

 It also shows that the grammatical-textual and discourse values of the Tablighi Jamaat have led to their withdrawal from politics and the group's desire to invite, travel and propagate ideological principles through populist and informal methods.

Religious jurisprudence is superior knowledge of Islamic civilization and political jurisprudence resulted from jurisprudential reflections is considered as one of its branches. In the paper, effort has been made for link to be created between propositions and theories of Shiite political jurisprudence and time and power so that their relationship would be found. In this respect, Shiite clergymen are considered as an institution in historical confrontation with time and power structure, in the light of which the relationship between scholars and politics has been shaped, and thoughts have been presented proportionate to this time and political form. Time domain under study in the paper includes beginning of Ghaybat al-Kubra or Major Occultation till Islamic Revolution so that varieties and relationship of theories and power would become more apparent. This attitude is resulted in connection of religious jurisprudence and history that could reveal new aspects of political jurisprudence as knowledge.

The success of the right wing populists in Europe and the USA, the left wing populists in Latin America and the populist leaders of parties and different movements in all over the world indicates that populism has once again returned in the spotlight of the contemporary politics. Its main idea is based on the claim of the representation of people or operating in the name of people as the ordinary people or the mass and the contrast with elites, the deep-seated organization or the power block. The political discourse of populism is made by the dualism of “us” and “them”. Here, populism is not an ideology, but a political logic that is a kind of thinking about politics. Specially, the ground of the formation of the new populism- such as the right wing populists in Europe and Northern America- has a connection with the widespread phenomenon of liberal globalization that has special and wide economic, social and cultural features. The scientific scrutiny of this phenomenon and paying attention to its roots is necessary as the first step for the understanding of populism in these countries. The current research, alongside the reading of the theoretical concepts of populism, studies the populism in Europe and the U.S.A and its features, and tries partly to show the background of its formation in these countries.

Understanding reality or the application of theories: a book review of Social backgrounds of the Iranian Revolution The social backgrounds of Iranian revolution written by Dr. Bashiriyeh and translated by Ali Ardestani has been published by Negahe Moaaser in 1393. The author applied different theories and concepts generally with Marxist bios to examine the causes, processes and consequences of Iran's revolution. The reduction of political struggle to class struggle and linking ideologies to classes and objective interests is the interesting but controversial feature of this book. This paper review the book in terms of method, theory and historical data and finally concludes that Despite applying various methods and extensive use of data and documentation, no Exquisite and detailed explanations of the Islamic Revolution and the emergence of political Islam and also the nature of the state in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been offered. This article searches the causes of this failure in the author’s interest and attachment to the Marxist theories and uncritical applying of modern concepts and theories in Iranian society.

Reflection on the foundations of legitimacy of the political systems
What is legitimacy and which foundations it is based on? This paper seeks to answer this question. In this regard it refers to some main theories and approaches in the field and finally it suggests a comprehensive approach. It argues that legitimacy is a complex, relative and multilayer phenomena which in its complete form based on consent, law and Universal norms and functionality. But because total legitimacy is something like an Ideal never to be achieved, the relative legitimacy of any system should be evaluated according to coordination whit and implementation of these various components. So we actually have a degree of legitimacy in the political arena and political systems always have some legitimacy deficit.

The factors that cause long-standing controversy in relations between the two countries can be divided into two levels of structural and behavioral factors. Most studies in the study of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have pointed to one of three factors of identity, power and security, but there are still questions that, at different times and conditions, is Iran's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia more influenced by ideological factors, or has its relations with Saudi Arabia been influenced by geostrategic considerations (power and security)? Or an approach that includes all three factors? In this case, how did the nature and relationship of these three factors in shaping Iran's foreign policy toward Saudi Arabia over time and in different situations has continued and continued? To answer these questions, using the theoretical model of the article, the degree of influence, the order of priority and the relationship between the three factors determining identity, power and security in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward Saudi Arabia at different times and conditions with respect to two Decisive factor: The international position of the country and choice of decision makers are explained.

If we take discourse as a semantic system that is organized around a signifier and under the influence of time and place, the analysis of this discourse in various periods of time becomes highly significant. This is because discourses are not ideal and eternal. Instead, they are historical and time-bound from the beginning. Therefore, better differentiation of the intervals and probable breaks will greatly help discourse analysis of the Islamic Revolution. While expressing discourse differences, these interval differentiations bring about proving the existence of various other subjects, consequently facilitating the nature of political atmosphere and the performance of leaders. This research paper intends to expound on the position of Imam Khomeini as the permanent leader of Islamic revolution in all intervals based on the concept of subject.
In this paper, the authors have differentiated three different intervals (1977 until before presentation of the draft Constitutional Law, compiling and ratifying the Constitutional Law, and the time after ratification of the Constitutional Law). They are of the opinion that the position of Imam Khomeini has changed in intervals from agent subject to founding subject and then to agent subject based on the degree of innovation and creativity in discourse presentation – that is a must for a creator and founding subject – as well as the involvement of agent subject in the determinism of previous structures. While explaining the revolutionary process, this study places emphasis on democratic path of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and Imam Khomeini's performance based on the principles of democracy.

During the last three decades, we have witnessed a reinforcement of self-awareness and an emergence of political-social movements among the nations of the region, especially the Arab Shiites of the Middle East, with dramatic domestic and foreign consequences. One of them is the movement of the Shiites of Yemen in the form of al-Hawthi movement in the early part of the current century. During the last two decades, both the Yemeni government and the Saudi government have used all means, including military invasion, to eradicate the Zaidi combatants. However, they have not achieved their goal. In contrast, the movement has increased its growth by taking proper tactics and policies, in a way that it has turned into the major and influential player in the internal scene of Yemen and an emergent player in the regional scene. The main question of the present article is as follows: “what are the causes for the movement of the Yemeni Shiites and al-Hawthi movement?” Using Hrair Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements, we may well explain the six causes for that movement.

Although Yemen is considered as sub powers within the classification of governments, this country with strategic position is defined as a key element concerning the security as well as the political actions in the Middle East area and the world. The attack of Arabic coalition to Yemen directed by Saudi Arabia and the implicit support of over regional super powers has led to the political and security consequences in Yemen as the main victim of this crisis and the other regional and international actors. In addition to Shiite Houthis as a political-military power being effective with the great support of people especially in the North of this country , Al-Qaeda in Arabian Peninsula as one of the actors in the political arena of Yemen has also experienced wonderful changes in terms of identity and power due to this war.
This article investigates the changes in Yemen following the invasion of Saudi Arabia and mainly it emphasizes on the advancement of al-Qaeda in Arabian Peninsula.

Social movements in the Iranian contemporary history were generally doomed to failure prior to the Islamic revolution. Oil nationalization is one of these futile movements. While on Tir 30th , 1331 a large mass of social forces were mobilized, one year later, on Mordad 28th coup d’ etat, such a mobilization did not take place and it was how the oil movement declined without any serious public resistance. In this article, relying on the concept of organization in the theory of mobilization of resources proposed by Charles Tilly , we try to explain the reasons why such a procedure took place. In the same vein, first, while referring to historical resources, it is explicated that this national movement suffered from disorganization; the causes of which will then be surveyed. According to the findings of this study, one of the main discovered reasons was loss of proper ethics and political culture and lack of collective cooperation. In fact, the cycle of ‘’autocracy, distrust, and individualism’’ results in a culture which makes organizational acts inoperative or even impossible in turn. Consequently, by the time favorable political culture is missing, the success of social movements could not be attained and movements like oil movement were doomed even when foreign pressures were ineffective.

What is legitimacy? Can one present a comprehensive and widespread reading of legitimacy? The common views on legitimacy have often regarded it as a simple and mono-causal phenomenon, considering it generally in relation to the ruler, while it is necessary to consider the contents of the policies, practices, and normative aspects of the order and obedience to justify legitimacy of any government. The present article, while explaining the views on legitimacy, attempts to adduce religious texts to present a justice-based reading of the concept of legitimacy. The importance of justice in the Quran and traditions, especially in the Shiite tradition, leads us to that reading. Based on the findings of this study, justice can be considered as a far-reaching criterion for legitimacy. Justice-based legitimacy makes our attention shift from form to content, opening an interstice for passing from formal individual legitimacy to content legitimacy. Besides, making legitimacy contingent upon justice highlights moral aspects of politics and elevates the logic of order and obedience.

What is legitimacy and on what bases is it built in the Shiite political thought? According to contemporary theories, legitimacy is a simple and single cause conception which is normally restricted to the ruler. This paper describes different aspects and bases of legitimacy in new literature of political science and examines them in the light of Shiite tradition and finally it suggests a comprehensive approach. It argues that legitimacy is a complex, relative and multilayer phenomenon which in its complete form relies on consent, law, personal aptitudes, universal norms, functionality and justice. But because total legitimacy is something like an ideal never to be achieved, the relative legitimacy of any system should be evaluated according to coordination with and implementation of these various components. As we actually have a spectrum of legitimacy in politics therefore all political systems have some degree of legitimacy deficit. So this article wants to provide a new conception of legitimacy in Shiite political thought.

This article is to answer the question related to the disagreement of cleric with the acceptance of republic in spite of tremendous cooperation concerning the movements of people. Following to answer this question and through a historical approach, this article is going to accomplish this outcome that considering the experiences achieved through the revolutionary republic of France, Ataturk’s republic and finally a republic being Marxists’ favorite, Iran’s society including clerics was of secular and anti-religion imagination towards the republic being considered against religion and legitimacy. Thanks to this mentality and in order to preserve Shiism, Iran’s society preferred monarchy, which regarded its lawfulness relying on Islam, to the secular and anti religion republic.
This concern has been constantly ongoing until planning the concept of Islamic republic owing to the reconstruction of western republic on the basis of the principles of Shiite Islam by Imam Khomeini.

The present paper answers the following questions: What readings do the political discourses of Principlism and Reformism present about freedom, how do they differ and why does the scope of freedom in either one of the two perspectives seem different? What is the position of freedom in Imam Khomeini’s political discourse?
In the post‐revolutionary Iran, it was the jurisprudential political discourse that could gain the upper hand in presenting its own interpretation of freedom and was accepted by the majority of people, and after its division into the two political discourses of principlism and reformism, it demonstrated two different readings of the issue of freedom.
The first hypothesis and answer by the present paper is that the division depends on the perspective that each of the camps may have on the concept of republic. The perspective, which gives more color to Islamism and Divine legitimacy in the phrase Islamic Republic, naturally pays more attention to the authority of an appointed ruling jurist; in some way, that perspective considers religion as the cornerstone and freedom as resulting from it, and interprets freedom within the framework of Islamic canon law. Contrarily, the other perspective, which seeks to highlight the republic in the phrase, naturally focuses more on the meaning and concept of freedom and deems freedom fundamental and even it explicates the popularity of the canon law on the basis of freedom.

This paper aims to study the route of transformation in approaches and landscapes of scientism from mere empiricism in early modern period to the attitudes of post-modern. In this regard, the way of transformation in mere empiricism and its transition to positivism as well as transition of logic empiricism to falsificationism and its transition to macro attitudes and general structures in philosophy of modernity and its transition to post modern era have been discussed.Tha main purpose of this paper is to peruse the motional trajectory of landscapes that has been formed in philosophical trend of skepticism

Institutionalism would be the ancient strategies of sociology and politics. In this strategy, it is emphasized on the significance of institutes and constructions in the development of behaviors and policies. Accordingly, the study of institutions in this policy is prior to the study of individual actions so the behavior and identity of person is supposed to be analyzed within the framework of institutions surrounding him.The theories of institutionalism in politics are of objective ad practical aspects and the researchers involve this science with the issues like planning institutions and their impacts whereas they are generally disable to explain the role of thoughts and revolutions.According to this article, the reconstruction of institutionalism under the shadow of discourse theories can help the politics be more practical and diminish the abstract and intellectual aspects along with the evolution of institutionalism theory.