فهرست مطالب ali karimikiya

Analyzing administrative documents holds significant importance within the realms of archaeology and sociology, akin to the study of other archaeological evidence. These examinations play a pivotal role in reconstructing various systems, encompassing management, social dynamics, economic structures, and political frameworks. Delving into administrative management within prehistoric societies unveils the intricate social intricacies and the supervision exercised by a designated leader or head over a subordinate group, representing an internal control mechanism. Notably, seals, impressions on seals, and diverse accounting artifacts serve as pivotal administrative documents. However, the exploration and investigation of such cultural data in northwestern Iran remain relatively scarce. Therefore, the current study endeavors to present, evaluate, and scrutinize the administrative records of Chalcolithic societies in northwestern Iran, employing a descriptive-analytical approach. Numerous inquiries persist without resolution regarding the administrative records and evidence pertaining to the later prehistory of northwest Iran. Ambiguity surrounds the quantification of Chalcolithic administrative documents within this region. Furthermore, the methodology for analyzing and evaluating the ownership and managerial evidence from the later prehistoric era in this area remains unclear. Addressing these uncertainties can establish a definitive framework and a solid foundation for investigating these matters in northwest Iran. Leveraging administrative data obtained from various sites including Tepe Chay Khoy, Chakhmaqluq, Tepe Kulyeri (Tepe Caravanserai), Sohachay Tepe, and others, the authors conduct an assessment of managerial evidence in the northwestern region of Iran. Furthermore, utilizing extant cultural artifacts and drawing upon the outcomes of prior studies facilitates an exploration into phenomena such as long-distance trade, economic endeavors, social intricacies, and cultural exchanges with neighboring areas

The Aras and other rivers running across the Moghan region played an important role in the formation of prehistoric sites. The Moghan plain has not so far received the scholarly attention it deserves. While extensive scientific activities have covered the Lake Urmia Basin, this plain has for the most part remained neglected. Yatag Tepesi, a prehistoric site in Germi, Moghan, was subjected to a systematic investigation. The main objective of this paper is to introduce the pottery traditions and to determine the chronological sequence of the site. To gain a more detailed understanding of cultural interactions with other regions and to ascertain the chronological sequence of the site in the Chalcolithic period, the following questions were raised: To which cultural period(s) does YatagTepesi date based on the recovered cultural evidence, including the pottery? The main hypothesis is that the site relates to the Middle Chalcolithic (LC1) and Late Chalcolithic (LC2‒3). Judging from the available evidence, to which regions does the site exhibit the closet links? Our analyses indicate contacts and affinities with other parts of northwest Iran, most notably the Qaradagh region and the Lake Urmia Basin, and South Caucasia. The paper adopts a descriptive-analytical approach. The results of the study suggest that in light of the pottery and other lines of evidence, Yatag Tepesi maintained interactions with other centers of northwest Iran, and flourished between 3700/3600‒4500 BCE.

Qarehdagh region and Ahar city, which is located in East Azerbaijan (northwest of Iran), has different ancient sites and cultures. Archaeological studies and chronological table of northwest of Iran have been formed mostly based on archaeological data of the Urmia Lake Basin and extended to other regions of northwest of Iran and the position of other regions, including Qarahdagh region unknown in its cultural sequence remains. Since this area is located among the South Caucasus region, Moghan plain and the Lake Urmia basins of and Ghezel Ozan, it can play an important role in explaining and distinguishing the Neolithic, Chalcolithic periods of the region. And together with the comparison and analysis of recently obtained archaeological data of the region, present a relatively novel result. In order to understand the prehistoric cultures of the region (cultural periods), the following questions are raised: 1- How the chronological sequence of this region is explained according to cultural periods? The main hypothesis related to this question is the existence of Late Neolithic periods and Late Chalcolithic 2-3 (LC2-3) in the Ahar basin; 2- Which cultural features are understood from the common and uncommon cultural elements links (cultural interactions) of the northwest of Iran, including the Moghan plain and the other regions in terms of archaeological data and chronology of the mentioned periods? The present study has been carried out using descriptive-analytical study of archaeological data and data collection is based on field surveys and library studies with the aim of clarifying cultural horizons, the period of residence in the sites and completing the chronological table of the area. As a final point, it can be said that the pottery of the mentioned periods shows similarities with other regions of northwest of Iran, especially with the Urmia Lake basin. Due to the vast dimensions of the studied sites and other archaeological data, it is inferred that the settlements were seasonal and probably used limited by ranchers and nomadic communities.

Unquestionably, all human cultural activities are formed in the background of geography and environment. In human and biological ecology, theoretical concepts are often used to describe, interpret, and estimate relationships, and interactions between humans and the environment are executed utilizing comprehensive transformational and methodological environments. This point of view emphasizes cultural behavior in both natural and social environment. However, despite numerous archeological studies in the southeastern region of Iran and neighboring areas, thus far, no comprehensive studies have been conducted on the scientific changes of the Bronze Age. In this study, the aim is to reconstruct the environmental situation of the region in the Bronze Age. Attempt has been made by analytical methods based on evidence of artificial irrigation near the river strips as well as designs of seals, pottery, statues, bone remnants that is abundant as well as the results of archeological plant analysis which archeologists have reached the minimum to show the environment of the region in the Bronze Age. Such as argumentative process for the reconstruction of the region, in turn, seems absolutely necessary. Finally, based on archeological evidence and analysis, it appears that in the Bronze Age, favorable environmental and climatic conditions have prevailed in the investigated areas. In can be concluded from the analysis of the findings that the accumulation of sediments in delta and change in their bed, the frequency of drought and humidity, unfavorable climate, very little rainfall, lack of aquifers, and strong winds have caused drought and crop failure. The destruction of fields and forced irrigation are among the reasons for the destruction of civilization and this area.

Iranian Azarbaijan and the southern Caucasus have relatively good environmental conditions for the formation of ancient settlements. These include the Lake of Urmia and the coasts of Aras in northwestern Iran and the basins of the Kora River, Mill-Moghan (mountainous areas) in the South Caucasus. The archaeological evidences and recent researches in the two geographical areas provide commonalities and cultural similarities of the period. The main purpose of this article is to introduce traditions of pottery and sites and determine the chronological sequence in the study areas. In order to achieve cultural interactions in the studied geographical area in the Chalcolithic period, the following questions are proposed: What is the status of chronological sequence in the two cultural domains? The main hypothesis in this regard is the existence of chronology is almost identical in the two geographical areas. How do the settlement layers and the sequence of habitation from the Neolithic to the Chalcolithic period in ancient sites show the issue of cultural continuity and transmission? The present writing is done by descriptive-analytical method. As a final result, it can be said that similarities and differences of archaeological data, including the features of pottery, architectural structure, burial etc. point out that by studying areas such as Dalma Tepe, Jolfa’s Kul Tepe, Khoy’s Dava Göz, etc. in Northwestern Iran and Leila Tepesi, Qalayeri, Poylu Tepe, etc in the South Caucasus region have been obtained and in terms of chronology, the millennium BC includes 5000 BC to 3700-3600 BC.

The present study was intended to study the contemporary jewelry and handicrafts and their transfer from previous cultures. The universe of the research included various animal, plant, human and geometric motifs in metal ornaments left over from the Iron Age, among which animal motifs were the most used. The sample subsumed Lorestan Iron Age jewelry which were divided into twelve different types in terms of form and application including bracelet, hairpin, earrings, necklace, rings, pendant, coronet, fibula, button, fille, mirror, armlet and anklet. The research was designed with descriptive-analytical method. The data were collected by case study in Poshtkuh region of Lorestan with field investigation (field report preparation) and library studies. With respect to the conducted studies the results indicated that The designs on the bronze ornaments of Lorestan women were taken from rites and customs that have preserved their unique features for many centuries. Each of the bronze jewelry designs in all cultures had a special meaning and concept that the recognition and study of these objects reveal the beliefs of the people of that period. By studying bronze objects, it was also revealed that the hand-woven patterns of Lorestan were taken from the patterns of bronze and metal objects of the Iron Age, and the motifs used in today's handicrafts conveyed the artistic, intellectual and ideal belief of past societies to today 's societies.

Khojaly-Gadabay is a culture in the archeological literature of the Republic of Azerbaijan that was first recognized in the Khojaly region of this country. Chronologically, it dates to the Late Bronze and the Old Iron Ages in the Caucasus area, and the Iron Ages I and II in the northwest of Iran. In addition to Khojaly-Gadabay, this culture is known with the names such as Central Zagafia, Ganja-Garabagh in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and Lechashen-Metsamur in the Republic of Armenia. Most archeological data of this culture have been obtained and studied from the cemeteries of non-residential cites. This descriptive-analytical study analyzes the main characteristics, based on archaeological data and with a comparative approach. In this study, it is tried to answer two main questions. First, what are the most important archaeological attributes of this culture in the studied geography? Second, how the origins and ways of expanding this culture can be explained? This paper can provide a clear understanding and an appropriate background for the study of this culture in the northwest of Iran. The main features of this culture have been the use of gray pottery, various burial shapes, semi-nomadic lifestyle, and the use of structures and temples in the spiritual and religious range. This study aimed at investigating the archeological data obtained both in the South Caucasus and in the northwest of Iran. The main objective of this work is to explore the most important cultural features of Khojaly-Gadabay culture and its distribution areas, as well as clarifying some unknown and dark features and commonalities and differences of this culture in the two mentioned geographical locations.The main questions of this study are as follows: 1) What are the most important archaeological features of this culture in the studied geography? 2) How the nuclei of formation, origin, and dissemination of this culture are explained? The answer to these unknowns can provide a clear horizon and a suitable background for studying this culture in the northwest of Iran (Azerbaijan). Reviewing previous studies show that the main features of this culture are the use of gray pottery, burials of different shapes, having a semi-nomadic life, and the construction and use of temples (in terms of spiritual and religious aspects). Based on the obtained archaeological data of this culture, Azerbaijani archaeologists attribute the formation, origin, and spread of this culture to the west of this country in 1450 to 900/800 B.C. This culture has spread from the South Caucasus to the northwest of Iran (Azerbaijan) between tribes that have been peacefully connected. The present study was conducted based on a descriptive-analytical method with a comparative approach. The authors of the article try to study this culture in the two geographical areas of the South Caucasus and northwest of Iran using different designs, species of pottery, and metal objects through a comparative approach and provide a clear understanding of this culture. Toward the end of the second millennium BC, tribes and communities engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry emerged in the western part of the Republic of Azerbaijan. All archaeological and cultural data related to these communities are known in the Azerbaijani archeological literature as “Khojaly-Gadabay culture”. Based on the obtained archaeological data of this culture, Azerbaijani archaeologists attribute the formation, origin, and spread of this culture to the west of this country in 1450 to 900/800 B.C.  This culture has spread from the South Caucasus to the northwest of Iran between tribes that have been peacefully connected. Khojaly-Gadabay culture has been studied in terms of burial method, as well as archaeological and cultural aspects in the geographical area of ​​the northwest of Iran, especially on the banks of the Aras River in sites or cemeteries such as Jafarabad Khodaafarin Cemetery, Larijan Cemetery, Tuali Sofla Cemetery. One of the main features of Khojaly-Gadabay culture is gray pottery (Figurs: 5,6,7,8) decorated with carvings and bronze objects (Figur: 3). In terms of shape and form, tombs come in a variety of shapes, including box-shaped and stone-shaped tombs in mountainous areas foothills whereas simple graves, earthen tombs, pit, plain-like, and brick graves in plain-like areas. Burials have been performed both collectively and individually. Burials in the residential area of ​​the Caucasus basin were mostly collective and secondary, except that burial with a brick structure has not been obtained from the Caucasus region. Kurgani burials (Figur: 15) and stone-shaped boxes (Figur: 9) are located in two geographical areas in non-residential areas while cemeteries and have been reported from the foothills and around the castles. Khojaly-Gadabay culture pottery includes portable and removable utensils. Commonly used geometric patterns in the study area include horizontal recessed stripes, lace-shape patterns, horizontal lines, dot-like patterns, mushroom-shaped appendages, rhombus-shaped patterns, spring-shaped patterns, and stamped patterns. Animal motifs used in this culture include motifs of goats, rams (Figur: 6), cows, or birds. The resulting pottery is technically divided into two categories of wheel maker and handmade. Interestingly, according to the present study, pottery species show resemblance in two geographical areas, both in terms of pattern and form. One of the interesting points about these cemeteries is the secondary burial and having an altar or temple. The use of sacred sites and religious activities in the residential area obtained from layer VIII of Kul Tepe-I is related to the Chalcolithic period. Also, indemnification of a temple that has cow-horn and horseshoes shaped stoves is related to the Early Bronze Age of Kul Tepe-I and II. The use of sacred sites in residential or burial area in the region is suggestive of the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age in the South Caucasus basin. In some of these cemeteries, including Muncuqlu Tǝpǝ/Munjuglu Tepe, each tomb has its own altar, and the altars were built right at the entrance and in front of the tombs. The depth of the altars is 50 cm and the depth of the graves is 70-100 cm. One of the religious sites related to this culture is obtained from the Gegarut site of Armenia, which was named temple (Figur: 10) by an excavator. Another important element in the subject of spirituality and religion is the construction and use of the temple. In this regard, the use of the temple is one of the major features of Khojaly-Gadabay culture. The reason is that some squirrels, dogs, and horses have been found in these tombs. Furthermore, finding an altar platform from the cemeteries and the mixture of soil covering the upper part of the tombs, along with pieces of pottery, has been recognized by archaeologists as a sign of the burial rite with the reception. Sometimes, the temple is built in the settlement area and sometimes in cemeteries and non-settlement, indicting worships in both parts. One of the important features of this culture is the decoration of pottery with animal heads, including ram heads, which were obtained from the Goy Tepe (Figur: 20) and belongs to the Iron Age II. The decoration of the utensils with the heads of animals such as cows, horses, and other animals, in addition to pottery, is also reflected in bronze objects. Pottery with embossed decorations with animal heads (ram or cow heads) from Zayamchai Cemetery of the Republic of Azerbaijan, is seen in this culture. These potters have two holes near the edge and the crescent sign inside the bowls. Like this type of earthen bowl, some potteries were detected in Dinkhah Tepe (Figur: 22) and Kordlar Tepe (Figur: 23). Based on the discovery of uninhabited cemeteries in the foothills and mountainous areas along with the settlement in the lowlands, archaeologists have concluded that the livelihood and lifestyle of the Khojaly-Gadabay culture were semi-nomadic and the inhabitants in mountainous areas had been engaged in livestock and agricultural activities.