amirmasud shahramnia

The typology of capitalist crises in the long-term history of the modern world-system shows that these crises have been reproduced in various subjective and objective dimensions. These crises have a decisive effect on the complex construction of capitalism at the levels of essence, functions, reproduction, survival and possible paths of the future bifurcation of capitalism. Capitalist crises have different forms, which can reveal its structural tendencies and the effects of the crisis in its political, social and economic dimensions in the construction of the world-system by considering its essence. Meanwhile, the role of different countries in capitalist economic crises has a clear relationship with their share in the gross production of the world-economy and their dominance over monopolistic and semi-monopoly production processes, their domination over the politics of the world-system. From this point of view, the problematic analysis of the capitalist crisis in the late long-term period goes back to its complex systemic dimensions. The central question in the current research is: How did the long-term crisis of the late world-system develop and what is its future systemic trend? The late crisis has developed in a network process of economic construction and has created a systemic flux in the whole world-system and the effects of the crisis in the natural system of the planet Earth. The findings of the current research show that the world-economy is in a long-term contraction cycle. From the political point of view, the structural legitimacy of capitalism has been eroded and global geoculture is in crisis with the decline of the dominance of liberalism. On the other hand, the possibility of realizing the fourth hegemonic cycle is the variable of accelerating the crisis. The effort of the current research will be aimed at analyzing the essence of the late crisis of capitalism and its structural tendency based on the method of world-systems analysis and epistemology of complexity.

One of the most contentious issues in the post-Soviet world order is the continuing hegemonic influence of the United States. Due to the increasing influence of this country in the politics and economy of the world -system due to the lack of balancing centers of power, the relentless tendency of its economy to deepen militarization and increase military-security budgets in the last three decades and the federal government's efforts to free the economy from Continued recessionary inflation has significantly increased the country's destructive role in world politics and economy. The consequence of this trend can be seen in the intensification of US hegemony and unilateralism in international politics. It seems that this unilateralism can be nothing more than the establishment of the American world order in all the space-time coordinates of the capitalist world-system. Adding to the importance of the debate is the United States' efforts to undermine or disrupt the political and economic progress of any nation-state that could disrupt or disrupt the American world order. It could involve gaining a greater share of the global economic cake or controlling the geopolitical divisions of the world -system. Or it would be a just military strike. In this regard, it is necessary to ask a few questions. First, what are the causes of the emergence of the policy of US hegemony; What is the relationship between the development of the capitalist economy and the increase of national wealth and hegemonic foreign policy and militaristic economy; What are the consequences of US hegemony; And how is the hegemonic cycle realized in the world -system? Research shows that the unequal concentration and concentration of capital and the increase of industrial production in a state can have a decisive influence on the emergence of militaristic foreign policy and the emergence of hegemonic behaviors to establish world order based on the interests of a dominant state. Thus, the present study analyzes and explains the causes and consequences of US hegemony and hegemonic systemic transformations based on the theoretical and methodological tradition of world-systems  analysis by Immanuel Wallerstein and Giovanni Arighi.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and achievement of independence by the 15 breakaway republics, the security interests of the I.R. Iran in Central Asia and the South Caucasus was changed. The I.R. Iran could secure its security interests in the region by expanding its relations and cooperation with the newly independent republics. One of the important independent republics was the Republic of Azerbaijan, which because of its neighborhood plays a strategic role in the I.R. Iran''s security interests. Despite the strong historical, religious, civilizational and cultural ties of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the territory of Iran, its relations with the I.R. Iran in the post-independence era were more on the axis of divergence than on the axis of convergence. In this divergence, the role of identity concepts seems to be very important. This study is going to answer this key question that what was the effects of the concepts of identity on the relationship between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the I.R. Iran? The study show that the concepts of identity such as: the construction of Azeri identity confrontations with Persia promoted by the political elites of the Republic of Azerbaijan, secularism against Islamism at the domestic level of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the different perceptions and approaches of the two governments at the regional level and the international system have influenced the divergence of the Republic of Azerbaijan with the I.R. Iran. Those concepts direct the republic of Azerbaijan to choose deferent sovereignty system and develop its relations with the countries that their attendance in the region threaten the Islamic Republic of Iran’s security. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and Internet resources.

Diversity and plurality of forms of identity in fragmented societies is one of the most important factors which threatens security of any countries. Statesmen and elites resort to some identity-building resources and carrying on strategies and policies in using them, in order to create a partial integrity and fill the Identity Vacuum. This research by using a descriptive-analytic method and based on constructivism, tries to provide a description of identity-building resources and categorize them. According to the results, based on three pillars, elites build a comperehensive identity: place/space, time/histort and joint culture. As a case study, by this identity model, we consider Israeli society. Therefore we arrange the approach of the current research in terms of the following question: “What are identity components based on place, time and culture in the society of the Zionist regime?”The results of this research suggest that most identity-building resources of the Zionist regime is fed with the Bible and include "The Promised Land", "historical single identity" and the Jewish Culture. The Jewish Culture also include "Commandments of Judaism" and symbols like "Hebrew language", "myth", "art", "social events" and "religious cover". The challenges facing these resources according to which some of them could be explained in cases like "the distorted Torah", "Multilingualism" and "secularism and atheism.

Followed by the growth of urbanization, new concepts such as citizenship and civil rights have entered the political discourse of countries. Putting rights and obligations on society and state, such concepts distinguish the pre-modern human as a responsible person from the postmodern human as an entitled individual. In this regard, the vindication of civil rights can influence the political participation quantitatively and qualitatively. Therefore, the main aim of the current study was to investigate the relationship between the vindication of civil rights and political participation.
Based on a questionnaire, the research method was descriptive-survey. The research data were collected from different districts of Isfahan. SPSS was used to analyze the data, and 385 individuals filled out the questionnaires.
According to the research findings, there was no significant relationship between civil rights and limited political participation. However, there was a significant relationship between civil rights and consequential political participation. Furthermore, the vindication of social rights did not have a significant relationship with active political participation, although the vindication of civil and political rights had a significant relationship with active political relationship. Given the religious and value trend of political system in Iranian society and the role of religious institution after the Islamic Revolution in particular, it can be generally stated that the consequential political participation was observed in some parts of society on the one hand. On the other hand, the active political participation of some individuals was observed in society with respect to the growth of political consciousness.

Recently there is no country in the world which it does not need products and services of other countries. If this can be found it is not economically affordable. Thus the interaction of states in the international arena led to the establishment of global and regional international institutions – in many areas – for negotiation and legislation. The main question is, what does the role of international institutions in North – South economic – Political cooperation? Based on analysis of competing hypotheses, this article has outlined three hypotheses competing to answer the main question that include: -International organizations through creation of cooperation and elimination of conflict between countries, respond to concerns the development of the South and the continuing development of the North. - International organization by creation of comparative advantage in the free market economy, meet the interests of the North.- Financial and commercial organizations for development of the south are considered auxiliary force and favorable utilization of that will be depend on diversification of export based on Comparative advantage and international competitiveness power. Findings of the research show that, the rate of inconsistency is related more to the first hypothesis than rival hypotheses. This point indicates that in the Current Conditions international organizations do not meet interest of the north – south in the balance.