فهرست مطالب hamid-reza jalaeipour

Before the triumph of the constitution in Iran, collective identities were mainly based on family, tribe, clan, neighborhood, and religion, which can be called "ascribed identity." Power conflicts that led to political violence were manifested according to the social capacities of these identities. The fulcrum of this violence was the divine legitimacy of power, which ultimately led to violent conflicts that reproduced the existing social relations. After the establishment of the constitutional system in Iran, with the formation of modern organizations and the emergence of modernist organizational and "acquired" identities, as well as the growing trend of urbanization, the fulcrum of political violence shifted. On one hand, it became the law as a regulator of modern life, and on the other hand, it became the revolutionary ideals that manifested themselves in partisan, sectarian, and secretive organizations. This article, using the method of historical analysis, shows that political violence transformed from unwritten rules, ascribed identities, ascribed roles, personal will, tribal attribution, belief, continuity of existing order, arduous killing, and exclusion of specific people into political violence with written rules, acquired identities, acquired roles, organizational attribution, effortless killing, and the elimination of specific relationships to be replaced by new ideological relationships.

Water scarcity is one of the most important distinguishing features that development theorists have paid attention to in explaining the characteristics of eastern societies in the social transition. This attitude has led to the presentation of theories such as the Asiatic mode of production, Oriental Despotism, and Iranian Despotism, each of which, considering some characteristics of the society, has tried to explain the relationship between the development of the East and its connection with water, but they have not been able to. This study, by using the qualitative research method and historical studies, reviewing the documents, observation, and interviews with farmers, policymakers, and people living in the Zayandeh-Rud basin area, has tried to get an accurate picture of the connection between water and development of this region in Iran. The results obtained in this research show that the problem of water scarcity in Iran has caused the formation of a system that arises from the two arms of political legitimacy and social acceptability with the processes of appointment and selection, and the development of Iranian society depends on the balance of The powers of these two parts. if the balance disturbed, the society moves towards political despotism or social revolution.

Numerous social movements have been emerged in Iran over the past three decades. The aim of this article is to analyse this emergence and diffusion. Constructing a mixed theoretical framework, taken from New Social Movements theory and Framing Alignment theory, and conducting a documentary research, we analyse three main properties of the movements: social conflict, participants, demands. We classified the movements based on their conflicts as well as their inclusiveness in two types; inclusive and exclusive. Urban movements, teachers’ movement, and workers’ movement are exclusive type because they concentrated on their own demands. Reform movement, women movement, student movement, and the 2017 uprising are inclusive ones because they spoke for society and had inclusive demands. The findings show that various conflicts have been the matrix of the movements. They include providing urban services, economic policies, social practices, and the manner of governmentality. The participants in both types have been diverse and come from all parts of the society. Despite diversity, the demands of the movements can be categorised into social justice, improvement of policies, and better governmentality. We concluded that the emergence of the numerous social movements is the result of dissolved social conflicts in different parts of the society. The special properties of the movements, specifically diverse conflicts and participants who come from all parts of the society, shows the appearance of “challenging public” in Iran. The challenging public is a shapeless/ polyshape new force who seeks social change with a specific demand for social justice and equality.

In this research, through identifying the components of what is called “Iranian Twitter”, we tried to identify and evaluate the patterns Iranian Twitter users are affected by the political attitudes of the Iranian Twitter Influencers.

In this study we decided to analyze the data on the communication networks between users and Influencers. The steps we took to answer the three questions of research were as follows: We identified the Iranian Twitter Influencers using snowball sampling. Then, by reviewing the pages of the influencers one by one, we recorded their characteristics in our list. Then, we collected the information about the communication network between the influencers, and used that as input for Gephi software. Finally, we calculated each group of users attributed to each political attitude, how much expose themselves to influencers with different political attitudes, on average.

two-fifths of Principality users are considered to be fanatic users. A fanatic user is a person who follows more than 70% of the influencers  and has the same political attitude. In fact, the fanatic user is one who is often exposed to one type of political attitude and is less inclined to be exposed to different opinions. Only 1% of transformationalist users were fanatic users. On average, 56% of the influencers followed by a reformist user with reformist attitudes. Also, transformationalist users are more likely to follow non-political influencers (44%) than to follow transformationalist influencers (33%). The complete isolation of separatists is evident in this table, as they have no share in the influencers followed by reformist, transformationalist, and principalist users, and only 1% of the them are followed by subversives supported the separation of Iran. Further, 64% of  influencers are also followed by principalist users tended to be principalist.

The results showed that although none of the political attitudes in Iranian Twitter have significant superiority to others, a significant proportion of users who favored a political attitude, displayed little tendency to be exposed to different political messages. Another important point is that online social networks should not necessarily be seen as a tool for organizing movements or revolutions. Influencers of online social networks affect attitudes of ordinary users by the contents that they publish constantly in long term. The continuous and daily influence of these new media in shaping the lifestyle, habits and attitudes of users is also important. If we do not understand the important role the online social networks could play in daily lives of users, we could not understand how they influence in political contexts.

In this research, through identifying the components of what is called “Iranian Twitter”, we tried to identify and evaluate the patterns of how Iranian Twitter users are affected by the political attitudes of the Iranian Twitter Influencers. For this purpose, Influencers and Followers including 917,318 Iranian users of Twitter were categorized based on their political attitudes; then, patterns of how Followers were affected by Influencers were identified and evaluated for various political attitudes. To categorize Influencers and Followers, we used data mining techniques, and to analyze network data, we applied Gephi software. The results showed that although none of the political attitudes in Iranian Twitter have significant superiority to others, a significant proportion of users who favored a political attitude, displayed little tendency to be exposed to different political messages.

Since the beginning of the revolution, in political arena of the Islamic Republic of Iran, two Reformists and Principlists have been struggling to win power. This faction and struggling shows their appearance more campaigning in elections. During the campaign, each political faction in addition to introduce themselves intend to represent another in such a way as to maintain the power relations in self-interest. After the victory of Hassan Rouhani in the 2013 elections, the reformists came back to the country's executive power; On the other hand, the conservative’s faction entered the reformist campaign in 2013 to maintain power in the legislature, Reformists who had a diminished presence in the Islamic Consultative Assembly after the sixth parliament. Consequently, the Conservatives faction had been using their power in order to maintain the power relations. One of the most important kinds of these media is Keyhan newspaper, serious and Conservative-oriented media. In this regards during the 2016 elections, the Keyhan focused on the reformist representation and published several articles. Hence, the study was to evaluate and review the reformist manner represented in the Keyhan during the February 2016 elections.

In spite of the extended use of social class concept to explain many problems and phenomena in Iranian intellectual sphere, a little empirical effort has been made to investigate this concept in Iran. This paper deals with social class values in Iran and identifies three classes including lower, middle and upper class. It defines the class via the profession position but uses the asset along with profession to identify the upper class. The research implemented by the interview and thematic analysis and including 68 interviews with the participants from this three classes. The results show that while the three classes have some values in common but they are different in some other values and sometimes there are several differences among a class. The social values are presented in four categories including social, economic, developmental values and values related to inequality and justice. The main dominated values across the classes are as follow: show off, individualism, emphasis on deserves, and money-wasting in upper class; individualism, emphasis on social responsibility, social reform and deserved in middle class; show off, social competition, individualism, and emphasis on deserved in lower class. The upper class and a layer of the middle class are seeking to defend their class interests. The other parts of middle class are seeking to improve the social situation and their quality of life and along with a layer from the upper class are willing to participate in reformative actions. The lower class tries to retain the sustainability of the need satisfying.

The following paper is dealing with the topic of nations and nationalism. After giving a general overview of the mainstream work conducted regarding the national subject, the paper will in the first place focus on Bourdieu’s so called scholastic view which can be summarized as the bias between a scientific, theoretical reason and the practical reason that is applied by the social actors in the daily life. Taking this major assumption into account, the paper will introduce a new approach, against the strict macro- or micro pattern of understanding, to analyze and describe the phenomenon nation or nationalism. This will be carried out by referring to the work of Brubaker who defines ethnicity, nation or race not as things or entities in the world but rather views on the world standing for dynamic and flexible categories. It will be then the main task to integrate the habitus concept of Bourdieu into the theoretical structure of Brubaker in order to provide the link that combines the claimed overcome of the stiff division between macro- and micro analysis of nations. The outcome shall be a so called and to be defined national habitus that on the one hand brings up national features of the habitus of social actors and on the other hand provides us with explanatory models of how the habitus influences, explains and clarifies the national category.

The purpose of this study was critical understanding of economic consequences of emergence and development of border market from the view point of perception, interpretation and experience of the people. In fact, cross-border market in Kurdish regions has developed after the changes happened in Iraq in last decades. Hence, the study of the consequences of emergence and development of these types of markets is important from sociological point of view. This study, in theoretical section has its roots in theoretical perspective of theorists such as Bourdieu, Simmel, Polanyi, and Sandels and also in methodological section, critical ethnography method is used. The research context was Baneh Border Market that data were collected with the method of theoretical sampling, and interview, dialogue, focus group and documentary analysis. The findings presented using with method of open and axial coding method in two levels; descriptive and analytical. In descriptive level, research findings categorized in two axial categories of history of trade and border market in Baneh as well as growth and expansion of business and consumer spaces. In analytical level, research findings have also shown that most important consequences of border and trade market are servicization of society, increase of immigration, hegemonaization of money, undermine of the traditional modes of production, undermine of middle class, emergence of new-money wealthy merchants, increasing economic inequality and the commodification of space. In the end, the relationship of the results of the study with literature and theoretical perspective discussed and analyzed.
This article is an attempt to critical understands of economic consequence of emergence and development of border market from the point of view perception, interpretation and experience of the people. The reality is that cross-border market in Kurdish regions has development after Iraq changes in last decades. Hence, the study of the consequence of emergence and development of these markets is important in term of sociological approach. This study, in theoretical section used from theoretical perspective of theorists such as Bourdieu, Simmel, Polanyi, and sandels and also in methodological section, critical ethnography used. Society research was Baneh border market that with the method of theoretical sampling, sixty-five of person selected and interviewed. Also Findings with method of open and axial coding in two levels, descriptive and analytical, presented. In descriptive level, research findings categorized in two axial categories of history of trade and border market in Baneh as well as growth and expansion of business and consumer spaces. Also, In analytical section, findings research have shown that most important consequences of border and trade market are servicization of society, increase of immigration, hegemonaization of money, undermine of the traditional modes of production, undermine of middle class, increasing economic inequality and the commodification of space. In the End, relationship of the results of the study with literature and theoretical perspective discussed and analyzed.

Till now, Durkheim has not been known as a theorist of political sociology in Iran and also in the West. One reason for this delay is that Durkheim's political books, including the book "Sociological lessons", translated and collected later than the rest of his works. Durkheim political ideas in particular concerning the nature and function of the state, the role of the state in the development of moral individualism, and adjust the relation between state and society in a democracy. The importance of these ideas is in the specific definitions of state, civil morality, and democracy, and Durkheim's critique of socialism and communism's schools. Neo-Durkheimian political sociology, in recent decades, in the works of Jeffrey Alexander is one of the pillars of the formation known as the cultural turn in political sociology. In this article, Durkheim's opinions expressed and by the various schools of political sociology and late discussions of political sociology Durkheim also be discussed.

The present paper introduces "governmentality" as conceptual apparatus in analyzing social policy. The center of this apparatus is the study of the way in which power is substantiated by social policy. So we should answer such questions: what are political rationalities (discourses) governing social policy? Which technologies actualize social policy? Which subjects and identities are construct in citizens by social policies? In this paper, by applying theoretical-analytical methodogy, we try to introduce and discuss the position and application of governmentality in analyzing social policy. This can be achieved by epistemological and methodological visions: 1) in epistemological area, by using this approach, we can analyze social policy by rationality, technology and, subject of government dimensions, and 2) in methodological domain, although analyze of social policy with governmentality lens is possible with both discourse analysis and genealogy methods, latter method is preferred. Governmentality approach has gotten high capacity of analyzing different areas of social policy since 1990, yet has been used neither theoretically nor empirically in Iran. Regarding this absence, many dimensions of social policy will be neglected from theory and praxis.

This paper studies the extent of ethnic nationalism among the Turkmen students and investigates factors which led to the persistence of nationalistic attitude in their view. Andrew Heywood theories are employed to study the complexity and contradictory aspects of nationalism. Hence three types of nationalism are presented for further steps of study. We expect to have the ethnic nationalism in Golestan province being weakened, but it was not the case. Four variables are introduced to investigate the persistence of ethnic nationalism: recognition of ethnic identity, unequal distribution of economic, political and social opportunities, having the social demographic variables controlled. The results show significant relation of independent variables with independent ones. dependent variables are gender, marital status, recognition of ethnic identity, unequal distribution of economic, political and social opportunities.

One of the l ively and cont roversial debates in current sociology is the compat ibility or conflict between nat ionalism and democracy. This art icle will attempt to: clarify this conflict through making a dist inct ion between 11 types of nat ional ism that could be more generally categor ized under "civil nat ional ism" and "cultural nat ional ism"; argue that the civil nat ional ism is compat ible with democracy; art iculate why the cultural nat ional ism will not peacefully sit alongside democracy; propose that only civil nat ionalism may guarantee territorial and polit ical integrity of Iranian society; and discuss the implicat ions ofdifferent approaches to nat ionalism in relat ion to democracy in the context of the recent social movement in Iranian.

Formal criticism of sociology in Iran is not new, and this issue is culminated since 2009 under the rubric "Islamic Social Sciences". Nonetheless, the feasibility of Islamic Social Sciences and its exact relationship with sociology is still not explored. This paper attempts to clarify the main arguments raised by religious critics of conventional scientific sociology. To reach the aim, the author, has identified eleven narratives of religious social sciences and has attempted to criticize these different versions and evaluate them. It has been argued that at least three narratives contradict with academic sociology and eight ones that are less contradictory interact with conventional sociology critically. Finally it is concluded that just one of the narratives of religious social science has no contradiction with sociology. In addition, from the viewpoint of the author, both sociological and religious explanations of social issues are needed in the Iranian public sphere.

During the past hundred years Kurdish nationalism developed parallel with nationalist movements (and the process of establishment of nation-states) in Turkey, Iraq and Iran. Under the influence of that nationalism drive, so far, we have seen several types of Kurdish movements aimed to achieve political autonomy and federal governments. This article describes one of the Kurdish movements in Iran during the years 1978-88. The process of Kurdish nationalism has been investigated from a critical viewpoint through a constitutive theory in this article.

In what conceptual framework should the collective starts of Iranian women be categorized? During the years 1995-2005 there was a lively debate in Iran's public sphere on the mentioned question. The methodology chosen in this article is a model based on analytical empirical sociology within the "rational choice" paradigm. In my study, I have benefited from qualitative methods such as direct observation and deep interview methods and library sources. After introducing fourteen positive and negative trends among women and their collective movement (from 1997 until 2004) this article tries to make four sociological assessments of the subject. In the first assessment we endorse women's dynamism as a ‘social problem’ but show that such dynamism cannot be reckoned as a social problem only. In my second and third assessment I have commented on women's dynamism as a social movement and a new social movement which is supported by Iranian feminists. This paper concludes that we should identify the status of women in Iran not as a social movement, but as a ‘social resistance’. The paper ends with offering three possible prospects for the collective status of women in Iran.

Over the last one hundred years, Kurdish nationalism came into existence (during the formation of nation-states in the region) in parallel with the growth of Turkish, Iranian and Iraqi nationalism. This nationalism gave rise to several Kurdish movements who have been striving to gain political autonomy and form a federal government. The current article will study one of the Kurdish movements of Iran between the years 1979 and 1989 and it will then conduct a critical study of the strategies implemented by the Kurdish nationalists.