hosein pourahmadi

Revolutionary developments in information and communication technology have provided a profound impact on the socio-economic formation of societies and the reformulation of the international political economy system. The changes that have taken place provide the context for the importance of the intangible aspects of power and have introduced new forms of power, the most important of which is relational power. Relational power in other spaces is a form of power that is the product of the type of view and policy-making, and as a result of the direction and exploitation of this field, and is constructed socially. In the digital age, the advent of social networks has increased the importance of relational power, as it is an important factor in determining the legitimacy of governments. The purpose of this article is to investigate the situation of cyber power in the Islamic Republic of Iran at a time when cyberspace has become the man element of power and wealth and in the light of the dynamics of information and communication technology? The research has used quantitative-qualitative method to achieve its goals.

According to the evolution of the global political economy, proper understanding of the foreign policy category of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an oil-based government and its relationship with the economic system is doubly important. Cox's votes seem to provide a good platform for understanding how this relates to us. The present article raises the key question of what effect does foreign policy have on the reproduction of the oil-based production system in the Islamic Republic of Iran? According to Cox's views, it seems that the structure of oil-based production, by establishing social relations of production and government configuration, has a fundamental impact on the formation of foreign policy in Iran, and in contrast, the action of foreign policy with its policies to It reproduces this economic system. In on this basis, the hypothesis of this study is that the action of foreign policy in Iran in the continuation of social relations of production, has sought to reproduce the structure of production and monopolize the government's use of oil resources. the purpose of this article is understanding the relationship between foreign policy and the oil-based production system in Iran, so it forms an exploratory research based on a retroductive strategy.The findings of the paper, with the emphasis on the Cox's views, show that the interests and tendencies of the dominant classes and social forces in oil-based social relations production in the Islamic Republic of Iran have a fundamental impact on foreign policy action in reproducing the oil-based economic system.

In recent decades, challenges such as disease, immigration, human rights, environmental issues, digital currencies, terrorism, drug trafficking, cyberspace, etc. have led to the transition of International policy challenges to world politics. These issues are one of the most important fields of study in the field of international relations. Understanding this transition depends on formulating these challenges. The main question of this research is: How can the challenges and issues of global politics be formulated? It seems that the presentation of a new formulation of challenges and issues of global politics based on the three components of "human", "biosphere" and "human-biosphere relationship" leads to a new perspective in which the multiplicity of actors And the impact and role of each of them is explained at the level of "global politics" analysis. In the present study, an attempt is made to provide a new and specific format and understanding of world politics with a descriptive and analytical method and collection tools such as library method in order to provide a new and specific formulation compared to the existing formulations.

In a regional system, in addition to the regional powers and its other member states, we must also consider the transregional interventionist powers. Perhaps these powers can play a decisive role in the regional security system. West Asia is one of those areas where the role of transatlantic powers in shaping its developments is significant and important. To this end, the present study seeks to answer the main question that the United States and Britain, as transregional interventionist powers, what role did they play in the developments in the West Asia region at the time of 2001-2017? The hypothesis of the above question is that the interventionist powers of the West Asian region, by increasing the tension, conflict, and militarization among the countries of the region, by balancing the beneficiaries in that crisis, try to provoke and sustain the crises and, consequently, they are pushing for regional developments in their own interests. Thus, in this research, we try to examine the role of the United States and the United Kingdom in the developments in the West Asian region with the pattern of systems and the transregional intervention powers variable.

Regarding IRI revisionary ideas to resistant against statue quo and seeking for autonomy and independence, international pressures such as economic sanctions imposed against Iran. Nevertheless, Iran supreme leader by focusing on Islamic Revolution ultimate aims presented Resistance Economic Theory, which determined to achieve both economic development and revisionary idea as taking more room for autonomous behaviors internally and externally. Now the question is that how this issue could be done. Irrespective of non-state agents' capacities for taking some economic duties, sanctions challenge their abilities. Under this circumstances and respecting undeniable State missions for tackling economic situation toward making fair society and achieving economic progress and prosperity constitutionally, we focus on State capacities. Undoubtedly, without a strong, initiative and progress seeker state, not only the lag of Iran economy is continued but its popularity and revolutionary goals be jeopardized seriously. Cleary by activating the State domestically, regionally and internationally, Iran economic challenges can be control and its revisionary ideas be sustained base on domestic autonomy and foreign independence policy.

Gaps and internal crises is one of the most important factors threatening the security of political systems. This general rule is mostly true in the Middle East because countries in this region have not gone through the entire process building nation-states. One of the most influential countries in the Middle East is Saudi Arabia that because of its political system and also the history of the formation and the development of the country cannot be an exception to this general rule. The Saudi government security threats can be influenced by social and political divisions within the country, including: "The gap between the ruling elites," "gap between the government and the middle class," "gender gap", "generation gap" and " especially religious gap between the neo-fundamentalists and Saudi Wahhabism ". This study using cross-sectional approach aimed to examine the impact of the emergence of ISIS on the social and political divisions of Saudi Arabia and security threats due to this problem. The results of this study indicate that despite the importance of the difference between the Saudi princes, growing middle class and increasing women's awareness;.But the emergence of the ISIS had little impact on these gaps and so they do not pose a serious threat to the security of the country. In contrast, the main threat to the Al Saud regime, especially as a result of these developments, is a large number of unemployed youth population, yet the firm bases of religious fundamentalism in this county.

In the political economy approach, mass media, particularly in elections, introduce dominant values and the factor conveying them. First of all, mass media organizations are deemed and studied as institutions mediating between economic, political, and cultural media and their social outcomes. In many cases particularly election situations, mass media contents and products are at the service of economic, political interests of the powerful, and therefore, discrimination and inequality in access to mass media is an example of inequality in access to resources. In other words, those who are denied access to mass media cannot campaign against those who enjoy such a means. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the role and status of the biggest and most influential medium in elections in the past few years (i.e. IRIB), has prompted many people to base their final decisions on the talk shows and candidates’ interviews and debates broadcast by the National Medium across the country.