فهرست مطالب mohammad agah

The discourse of good governance has been raised by international organizations and institutions and some Western thinkers and theorists since several decades ago. According to the initial design of this topic in the West and based on the previous ideas of thinkers such as: Seyyed Javad Tabatabai based on the decline and decay of philosophy and political thought in Iran after Ibn Sina and Seyyed Ahmad Tabatabai indicating the conflict between international documents and Islamic concepts, this theory has been published, Considering the decline and conflict of philosophy and political thought in Iran, in order to study and research in the field of good governance, Iranian and Islamic sources should be looked at with suspicion and the issue should be addressed by referring to the published western literature. In this research, with the aim of validating the mentioned theories by taking library records and using the descriptive and analytical method, referring to the opinions of the founders of philosophy and political thought in post-Islamic Iran, Farabi and the position of Supreme Leader (Madazleh) in the position of the leader of the revolution. Islamic Iran, we are looking for an answer to this question that Considering the western elements and features, has there been a discussion about good governance in the opinion of Farabi and the Supreme Leader? With the conducted studies, we came to the proposition that the two-dimensional epistemological, ontological and anthropological foundations of philosophy and political thought in Iran are not only western, including the one-dimensional theories of today, but philosophy and political thought in Iran have not gone through the decline curve and are contradictory. It doesn't have either, and it's from the western one-dimensional theories.

In Suhrewardi's time, the crisis of legitimacy and the central power vacuum led him to pay special attention to the role and prestige of Iranian shahryars in realizing the identity and position of the monarchy. This position embodies the link between religion and shahryari. Suhrewardi talks about three ideal shahryars of ancient Iran in his works and considers them as examples of wise rulers who can serve as a suitable model for other rulers. The task of this research is to answer the question of what special characteristics Iranian shahryars had that made them a desirable model for other rulers in Suhrewardi's political thought. Therefore, this research seeks to answer this question by examining the role and prestige of shahryars in Suhrewardi's thought on ancient Iran and his narrative about them. The research hypothesis can be formulated as follows: the divine legitimacy and ta'alluh (attachment to God) of these shahryars were the main pillars and distinguishing features of the desired model of wise rulers according to Suhrewardi, which attracted his attention. This divine legitimacy and ta'alluh manifested itself as a divine emanation.

What shows the originality of Suhrawardi's political philosophy is his attention and determination to find a way out of the political-social crises of his era. Although some consider Suhrawardi as an idealist thinker, what makes Suhrawardi's political thought accurate is the reflection on the fact that he, by drawing an accurate picture of the chaos of his time and trying to rebuild the society, seeks a realistic reading of The current state of the society is contemporary. The present article aims to raise the question of how to describe the crisis of the political system of our contemporary society, and what solution does he propose to cure it and get out of it? He had perceived the reality of his society in such a way that deep religious divisions, prejudice and religious violence have become the basis for the division of members of the society. Suhrawardi is trying to provide a cure for such a crisis-stricken society. Based on A. Spragens search method, the hypothesis of the current research is based on the opinion that Suhrawardi, by observing the disorder of the society of his era and searching for the causes of this disorder, is of the opinion that the voids and crises created in the social foundations of his era are the basis for the emergence of And there has been an epistemic gap between wisdom and government. By explaining the current situation and delineating the desired situation, Suhrawardi seeks to restore the relationship between wisdom and government in the form of giving legitimacy to the wise ruler's government, as a solution to the crisis of the political system.

By re-reading the thought of ancient Iran and its components, Suhrawardi seeks to compensate for the semantic and identity gaps created in the social contexts of his time by adopting a new semantic model of the concept of power and its various aspects. Therefore, it can be assumed that Suhrawardi considers the cause of such semantic-identity gaps in the historical rupture that appeared in his time. A profound rift between wisdom and government that requires a systematic philosophical reconstruction. He seeks to draw a relation between the ruler and wisdom and provide the conditions for its possibility in his crisis-stricken society by dealing with the examples of the ideal ruler and explaining their characteristics in the thought of the ancient Iranians who are the bearers of wisdom and the recipients of Farkiani. The present article seeks to answer the important question of what is the relationship between wisdom and government in Suhrawardi's thought by relying on the approach of linguistic-semantic understanding attitudes and using Skinner's realistic hermeneutic method (text-based, context-based). ? For this purpose, while examining the background and time of Suhrawardi, the ontological and epistemological foundations of his philosophical system have been considered in order to gain a correct understanding of the nature of Suhrawardi's political thought. The hypothesis of the present study is that in the framework of Suhrawardi's philosophical-political system, these two fundamental and important categories have an obligatory relationship.

Talking about the hedonistic society in the eyes of political thinkers is one of the ways to understand the types of desirable political system in different societies. This issue is of particular importance in the eyes of Islamic thinkers, who have raised the issue of happiness both in the Qur'an and in the Sunnah. The current research aims to deal with the hedonistic politics and government in the thought of Farabi and Ayatollah Khamenei. The hypothesis of the present research is that the hedonistic politics and government in Farabi's thought is based on the existence of moral qualities and properties in the eyes of political leaders and members of the society, and in the eyes of Ayatollah Khamenei, it is based on the role of the government in providing the material and spiritual needs of the people. Based on the findings of the research, Farabi's approach to hedonistic politics and government is an attempt to establish a desirable and ideal political system that includes the model of the government of the Messenger of God (PBUH) along with Greek wisdom and is considered an intellectual support for the idea of ​​religious authority. to be But the model considered by Ayatollah Khamenei is in the stage of establishing a political system and a measure to build a new Islamic civilization in the present era. A government can be hedonistic that provides the material and spiritual needs of the people and is separate from the model of western secularism. Posterior and ultimate happiness in Farabi's thought and good life in the worldly and afterlife in Ayatollah Khamenei's thought are the focus of hedonistic politics. In the current research, the descriptive-analytical method and references to Farabi's texts and works and Ayatollah Khamenei's statements have been used.

Neo-Salafism is one of the theological currents of the contemporary era which, while preserving the principles of Salafism, seeks to injure and modify some of its principles by criticizing Salafism. The neo-Salafis, by transcending the dogmatic beliefs of Salafism and presenting new and different interpretations of the currents within the Sunni Islamic paradigm, demonstrated a more moderate view of fundamentalist Islam. They against new kind of Salafism (Jihadi - Takfiris) seek to achieve Islamic rule by reviving monotheism and using more moderate methods such as inviting and cadre building and educating to the society. According to the views of people such as the late Farihi, Babi Saeed, Samir Amqar, Kerry Glin, etc., Noselfieh is interpreted as an irrational current and prone to extremist violence and militarism. The title of claimants of the neo-Salafi discourse seeks to show that, contrary to popular interpretations of neo-Salafism, this current has a more rational and moderate discourse than other Salafi currents.

The roles of prominent people have been effective in the success of political and social phenomena. The significance of these roles is more or less affected by religious interests, norms, values, environment and ability to connect. In the process of the Islamic Revolution, important people played an effective role; at the head of all, Imam Khomeini was the leader of the revolution. Along with this leadership, prominent people who have been religiously minded for the revolution have played a role in different ways. One of them is Imam Musa Sadr, who is less concerned with the importance of his presence and his role. Using his socio-political and cultural status, he was able to convey the continuation of the revolution in some ways, such as establishing contacts with influential individuals at the regional and global levels and paved the way for revolutionary activity of Imam Khomeini. The present study seeks to analyze one of the effective factors in the victory of the Islamic Revolution by highlighting this role with a historical approach.

The scientific Salafist discourse is based on the belief that there is a failure in the community derived from ideological and worship deviation is formed. So, the most important goal of scientific Salafism is to redefine Islamic biodiversity, believing that change in policy is subject to the reconstruction of the community. According to the leader of this movement, this strategy will lead to the reform of society in the future and later to the formation of Islamic rule. This movement seeks to rebuild the social arena with a view to bringing about change in the political arena, using three notions of "monotheism," "obedience," and "refinement", and then, by educating the people of the community, provides the groundwork for the formation of an Islamic state. The purpose of this research is to examine the concepts used by Sheikh Albani’ movement, the ideas that Albania borrowed from the early days of Islam and redefined them by assigning them a specific function. The main question of the research is: How does Sheikh Albani’ movement define and explain its intellectual and epistemic foundations? Our hypothesis is that: Sheikh Albania is trying to create legitimacy for the formation of an Islamic state by using these ideas. A descriptive-analytic method is used in this study. The data collection tool is a library that includes a review of books, journals, articles, online and multimedia resources.

It can be said that the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978 and the perspective it adopted of Islam, Shiism and international relations, as well as its characterization as the leader in the fight against the hegemonic system were perceived a threat by the Saudi officials as they considered the Revolution a challenge to the interests of the Sunni states of the region. Thus, they had it on agenda to eliminate this risk at any way. The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council and assistance with Iraq in its war against Iran were in accordance with this policy. A point of evident conflict between the policies of the two states is Yemen where the different views of Iran and Saudi Arabia to Houthi Shiite movement have led to different reactions. Saudi Arabia has characterized itself as a support to the Yemeni government against the Houthis whereas Iran has committed itself to support the Houthis. Built on the theoretical framework of constructivism, this descriptive and analytic study investigates the role of materialistic factors, presuppositions and norms involved in the confrontation between policies of Iran and Saudi Arabia in Yemen.