reza taslimi tehrani

The present article aims to study and analyze the advent of new middle class in Iran society via studying different lifestyle indices such as architecture, social relationships, and leisure time in order to clarify new middle class members’ thoughts, values, and worldview in the first Pahlavi era. To carry out the research in this direction, it was designed to employ historical method and qualitative content analysis focusing on architecture and literature as two salient fields, and analyze different primary and secondary sources such as books, novels, reports, and etc. Based on the findings of research, considering architecture evolution and reviewing selected novels of that time indicate the advent of new middle class and its distinctive lifestyle in the first Pahlavi era. The review and analysis of collected information indicate individualism, nationalism, and modernism as the most crucial categories which illustrate new middle class values and worldview in the first Pahlavi era.

The present work aims to study and analyze the advent of new middle class in Iran via discussing lifestyle indexes in the first Pahlavi press. The main questions of this article are: How can we describe and analyze the advent of new middle class and its related lifestyle via press study? What are the elements and indexes of new middle class lifestyle in the first Pahlavi era? To carry out my research in this direction, I plan to employ historical and content analysis methods and analyze four significant press of that time (“Alame Nesvan”, “Baladiye”, “Shafaghe Sorkh” and, “tajadode Iran”).Based on the findings of my research, new middle class members in the first Pahlavi era have their own distinctive lifestyle which is reflected in the different press. The review of these press indicates individualism, consumerism, considering body and its manipulation, highlighting leisure time in the daily life and, cultural consumerism as the most crucial elements of new middle class lifestyle in the first Pahlavi era.

In the era of corona-virus pandemic, there is no possibility for public and collective rituals. The main purpose of the present article is studying the new way that new middle class survivors mourn, describing the characteristics of mourning rituals among them and analyzing the changes occurred in these rituals in this era (2020 February to 2021 January in Iran). To this end, we employ Netnography, observation and interview as methods. Based on the findings of the present research, in the era of corona-virus, new middle class survivors mourn in different ways especially in social media. Virtualization, individualization, personalization, Visualization, Degenderization, secularization (individualization of religion), and Commercialization are the most important elements of mourning rituals among new middle class survivors. The homology between the characteristics of new middle class lifestyle and above-mentioned elements can explain why they emerged as the new traits of mourning rituals among new middle class survivors.

The present article tries to investigate the effect of founders of sociological thoughts) Karl Marx, Max Weber &Emile Durkheim) on Ali Shariati’s ideas. It also wants to clarify the criticisms of Ali Shariati on above-mentioned masters.Documentary method and qualitative content analysis have been used as scientific methods to categorize Shariati’s references to founders of sociology. These categories can be recognized as: Marx and religion, Marx and justice, Marx and alienation, Marx and the ignorance of colonization, Marx and Asian production method, Durkheim and the features of new centuries, Durkheim and the definition of religion, Durkheim and religion as the expression of Society spirit, Weber and Protestantism. The findings of this study show that there is a dynamic, symmetrical and mutual relationship between Ali Shariati’s ideas and sociology founders’ thoughts. Ali Shariati has not only accepted sociology founders’ ideas in many cases but also has criticized them in many places.

The present work aims to study and critically analyse Taha Hussein’s reading on Ibn Khaldun’s thoughts. To this end, by employing the documentary and historical methods, we give a comprehensive review and analysis of the Taha Hussein’s readings on Ibn Khaldun’s contemplations. Furthermore, we evaluate and criticize Taha Hussein’s account of Ibn Khaldun based on the theoretical, social and intellectual backgrounds of both. It is argued that Taha Hussein has carried out his critiques from his modern and positivistic point of view, while Ibn Khaldun had been highly influenced by the Ashari tradition atmosphere of his time which comprises a completely distinguished idea on society, history, causality, etc., than the modern one. Consequently, our analysis leads to the conclusion that Taha Hussein’s critiques dismiss Ibn Khaldun's distinctive social and intellectual backgrounds and hence in many cases appear to be arguably imprecise and incorrect. In other words, Ibn Khaldun’s works and thoughts have to be read and perceived based on his own Ashari worldview.

This article aims at understanding ordinary Tehran residents’ attitudes towards Death and Dying and recognizes the relationship between Death and Religion in their thoughts. Using Grounded Theory as method and semi structured interview as a technique, we reached to nine different Cultural scripts of death and dying among interviewees, including: fatalistic death, resurrection-oriented death, martyrdom-oriented death, mystical death, secular death, aesthetic/nihilistic death, agnostic death, and ambiguity-oriented death. Furthermore, we recognized religious and non-religious cultural scripts besides the rationalization and individualization of religion among them. According to our findings, there is no accordance between some interviewees’ thoughts and beliefs with their behavior and lifestyle so that one cannot guess people’s attitudes towards death and dying from their behavior or their appearance. In other words, we face no structural Homology between their ideas and their lifestyle. Moreover, most interviewees had mixed ideas and beliefs about death and dying, and it can indicate the social and cultural complexity of Tehran society.

The present article intends to critique and analyze one of the central works of Foucault; “Society must be defended”. At first, general thoughts, methods, and works of Foucault have been introduced. Furthermore, we have analyzed the external elements which affected Foucault theories like the social and political events of his life and theories of Marx, Weber, and Nietzsche. Moreover, we have paid attention to internal analysis of abovementioned book and recognized its critical points so concepts like racist discourse, governmental racism, and bio-power have been analyzed. At last, we have critiqued the form, structure, and content of the book. For instance, in some cases, we face inconsistency between different sections of the book.

The present article aims to analyze the existing lifestyles in Tehran. We intend to determine geographical regions of distinct social classes and lifestyles in Tehran in accordance with different urban indices. Among the existing theoretical explanations, we have applied Pierre Bourdieu’s theory on social classes and lifestyles as our basic theoretical framework. According to our results, currently high, middle (traditional & modern) and low social classes are distinguishable in Tehran and each of these classes characterized by their own lifestyles. Furthermore, geographical distribution of different groups of lifestyles are scattered all over the metropolitan. High social class lifestyle is found in north and west north of Tehran; traditional middle social class lifestyle is originated in downtown and east downtown of Tehran; modern middle social class lifestyle is found in north, west north and east north of Tehran and at last, low social class lifestyle is found in south, east south and west south of Tehran.

Through analyzing and elaborating on the scale of mysteriousness of death concept in Tehran City, the present paper tries to study its relevant social parameters. To this end, the author has chosen Norbert Elias's theory of civilizing as the theoretical basis of this research after a brief review of existing theories. Then the scale of strangeness of death concept in Tehran City and its different social parameters are analyzed and expounded regarding theoretical analysis and using existing reports and figures. Accordingly, it seems that a considerable scale of mysteriousness and strangeness of death concept in Tehran City is observable, although it is much less common and spread in comparison with western societies. In this regard, this paper puts forward some suggestions to decrease this mysteriousness, including emphasis on reinforcing religious and communal meanings, reinforcing communal funeral and burial ceremony and expanding the culture of sympathy and intimacy with elderly and those who are dying.

This paper aims to study and formulate the field of literature in Iran during 1921 and 1941. For this purpose, the authors have focused on two key writers of this period, Mohammad Hejazi and Sadegh Hedayat. Analyzing the social positions, habitus and literary works of these writers can help us to have a clear picture of the mentioned period. It also can show dominant poles in the literary field in Iran. We have used Pierre Bourdieu’s “Practice Theory” as our theoretical framework and his “genetic structuralism” as our methodology. Mohammad Hejazi was born in a middle-class bourgeois family. He served as a senator for several periods and deputy of prime minister for some years. Thus he had politically a high position in the period under study. Also, as a novelist, he wrote about rich families, especially bourgeois girls. Despite this, he did not have any valuable capital that would bring him a remarkable position in the literary field. His position was located in the dominated pole and in the bourgeois literature position. In addition, when studying his habitus, one would face an optimistic and conservative person. In short, there is a homology between his positions in the fields of power and literature and his habitus. In one of Hejazi’s novels titled Homa, one can find a homology between the writer’s positions in the fields of power and literature and his habitus with hero’s positions in the power and action fields of story and his habitus. Like Hejazi, Sadegh Hedayat was also born in a middle-class bourgeois family. But his position in his family as the younger son let him to pursue his own way. Actually he never held any important politiposition. He never got married and finally committed suicide. Thus he had no political position. But Hedayet is a famous writer because he wrote some valuable novels. He had important cultural capitals. He never wrote for others; rather he used to write for himself. Thus Hedayat had a main position in the dominant pole of literary field. Furthermore, when considering his habitus, one would face a pessimistic, disobedient, independent character. In short, there is a homology between Hedayat’s positions in the fields of power and literature and his habitus. In Hedayat’s famous novel, Boofe koor, one can find a homology between writer’s positions in the fields of power and literature and his habitus with hero’s positions in the power and action fields of story and his habitus. According to our study, Hejazi and Hedayat have had opposite positions in the fields of power and literature and have opposite habitus. In other words, these two famous writers had opposite social trajectories. In addition, we can trace these oppositions in writers’ novels. Heroes have opposite positions in each story and have opposite habitus. At last, we have to consider that all characteristics of Hedayat and Hejazi have to be understood in relation to their social positions and habitus rather than their own special life histories.