فهرست مطالب tahereh ebrahimifar

Citizenship rights are basically based on the three principles of civil rights, political rights and social rights and are one of the main pillars of human rights. In democratic societies, a citizen is a person who is a citizen of a country and, as a result, enjoys the rights and benefits enshrined in the constitution and other ordinary laws of that country. In general, this article, while getting acquainted with civil rights, examines these rights in the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey, and uses a descriptive and analytical method to compare these rights in the two countries and in the framework of civil and political rights. Iran and Turkey, review of civil rights in Iran and Turkey in the field of civil and political rights, review of examples of civil rights in the framework of cultural, social and economic rights, review of the Charter of Citizenship in the current situation of Iran and Turkey and finally review of promotion The duties of the governments of Iran and Turkey in citizenship rights are discussed. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the concept of citizenship means the West and the definition of these rights is not possible due to the recommendations of religion in the laws and guidance of citizens, while in Turkey, as mentioned, a kind of culture tends to develop. And modernity is intertwined with religion and the type of citizenship rights is observed regardless of religious advice to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The aim of this study is to investigate the existing conflicts between Islamic human rights and universal human rights in the field of women's rights?

Using a qualitative method based on collecting information from library sources (documentary) and descriptive analytical method, the present article seeks to assess the hypothesis presented in this research.

In areas such as individual rights (right of citizenship, right to residence and housing), family rights (age of marriage, freedom to choose and polygamy, right of guardianship over the spouse, right Divorce and custody of the child), social rights (right to insurance and social security benefits and the right to health services), Women's cultural and spiritual rights (right to literacy based on co-education and restrictions on sending female students abroad), economic rights (right to work in certain occupations and also right to inheritance), political rights (right to be elected to some key positions in the country) Such as leadership and presidency) as well as in the legal and judicial spheres (women's right to legal personality, equality before the law and some women's civil and criminal rights such as blood money and martyrdom) conflicts between Islamic human rights and human rights The world is visible.

In addition to legal conflicts, differences in interpretations and the existence of some legal ambiguities between the two sources of Islamic and international human rights can be seen, which in practice leads to non-acceptance and accession to some human rights conventions in the field of women for Iran.

Being dealt with now, the need for the presence of a leader and a jurisprudent who is wise and righteous is being felt a lot, and this question has been asked and some scho-lars have examined the cause of the need for the jurisprudent and the velayat-e faqih. Regarding this, Imam Khomeini's thoughts as the first person who presented the abso-lute velayat-e faqih has a special place and Ayatollah Javadi Amoli as one of Imam Khomeini's students who continued the views of Imam Khomeini on velayat-e faqih. This research has been conducted in the form of documentary and library reviews and has examined the views and thoughts of these two great Islamic scholars in the field of velayat-e faqih and the need for the presence of the province in society.

After the onset of the civil war in Syria and the request for help from the Syrian government, the Islamic Republic of Iran consider the paramilitary mechanism's establishment and reinforcement part of its security policies in Syria. Despite the positive role of parallel military structures, objective evidence suggests a high probability of dissolving or weakening these structures in post-war situations. Therefore, when the military institution does not have the necessary capabilities to restrain future security threats in the future, the question is: What are the security requirements of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria after war? Accordingly, this article is based on the hypothesis that the Islamic Republic of Iran should push its security policy in post-war Syria to maintain the legality of Syrian and non-Syrian paramilitary structures in the context of implementing a strategy for the continuation of an adventurous presence in the country.

Funding is operating engine of terrorist organizations (national and international Salafist armed organizations) in the Middle East. However, some of these organizations, such as Taliban and ISIS, with the establishment of the so-called state, have loaded the costs of welfare spending of their dominated areas to costs of their war and survival. Hence, consideration of different patterns indicates that national and International Salafist armed organizations, by benefiting from a vast financial network of NGOs, have achieved self-government. But it seems true that this autonomy is based on the determination of some governments to use these organizations for certain changes in the international system in order to achieve their relative benefits. Based on this pattern, the terrorist organizations in the Middle East, by serving the interests of one or more state actors, continue funding their network and thus have retained their survival. Relying on the doctrine of realism regarding the anarchic international system, the only way to undermine or destroy the national and international organization of Salafist financial network in the Middle East is implementing a strategy for increasing the costs of changes in the international system and prevent certain governments to the benefits that result from this process.

Technology is inherently neutral and can be used in equal measure for good or evil. Interestingly, this determination is a matter of perspective. Technology enables or enhances a number of activities. Fundamentally, technology can be used to improve teaching and learning, to make administrative operations more efficient and effective, to help discover knowledge and to help improve access to information. The problem, of course, is how these things relate to the role of humans. While traditionalists may contend that technology detracts from the essence of humanism, there is abundant evidence to show that today’s students are doing quite well, as both learners and as people. A fundamentally important issue today involves a dichotomy concerning whether it is the inputs or the outputs that determine the effectiveness of institutions. Although education is timelier and its impacts are gradual, it is far too often underplayed when it comes to a nation’s security by the size of military and present economic growth. Education has never been more central to the security of Middle East countries.

Four years after the 1921 coup, Reza Shah initiated many changes in Iran's foreign relations to prevent great powers intervention. It should be noted that during the Qajar era, Iran was under the political influence, military actions and economic exploitation of Britain and Russia (replaced by Soviet Union). In his campaign against foreign interventions, Reza Shah introduced many social, economic, and political reforms during his reign, ultimately laying the foundation of the modern Iranian state. In spite of modernization and development policies undertaken by Reza Shah, equations of Iran’s foreign relations were mounted on the competitive basis between Britain and Soviet. In other words, as the Qajar era, Iran’ foreign relations during Reza Shah, was restored to counterbalance British and Soviet influence.

International Relations (IR) obtained a rigid image of security institutions in the Cold War era. This image, of course, stemmed from the security and ideological equations in the divided world between two main blocks so-called the West and the East. Shifting from the rationalist perspective to the Reflectivity one, IR theorization after the Cold War developed the study of the security institutions. In the context of the Post-cold War era, one can consider the security institutions from the Rationalist/ reflectivity perspectives based on a theoretical synthesis including Neoliberal Institutionalism, Defensive Realism, English School, Constructivism and Copenhagen School. In this article, authors attempt to apply the five concepts of interests, threat perceptions, society, identity and urgency from the aforementioned theories respectively on the amount of explication entity of security institutions after the Cold War.

Relationship between China and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a significant part of China's relations with the Persian Gulf countries. China is one of powers enhancing its position in the international politics with an amazing speed. Energy is the main industry of GCC countries and China needs a stable energy market for its economic development. China's cooperation with the GCC countries in the energy filed is the cornerstone of their bilateral economic-political cooperation that is demonstrated in commerce, investment and building projects. Given the expansion of China-GCC relations in recent years, this question is raised: What fields are expectable for expanding China-GCC relations? The research emphasizes this hypothesis that China, as an emerging political and economic power, seeks to expand its bilateral relations with the GCC in order to stabilize its position and role-playing in all fields of the region. As one of main super-regional powers, China will be able to continue its positive political and economic activities in future. Therefore China's political-economic ties with the GCC will be flourishing in future. This research tries to examine China-GCC economic and political relations and provide a transparent image of these relations.

Indian presence in the Persian Gulf and its relations with the Arab states of the Persian Gulf has developed into a dynamic relationship over the years. While India's relations with the region dates back to centuries ago, but in recent years, it's relations with the countries of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council has expanded rapidly. With the emergence of India as a major economic power in the Persian Gulf region in recent years and economic growth of the Persian Gulf simultaneously reinforce the economic interdependence. Although India's economic presence in the region of barter between the merchants to the Persian Gulf oil industry development has been changed by human capital of India, India's political presence, more or less has been remained as ineffective. However, in the changing geopolitical landscape after the Cold War and from the prospect of widespread security from the Persian Gulf to Afghanistan, India as a major geopolitical country has a strategic importance for the countries in the Persian Gulf. In the study of the current relations between India and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, this paper tries to answer the question: what is the impact of the increasing political and economic relations of India and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council on the development of these countries? The findings of the this study indicates that the interdependence of the countries to each other and also the vicinity of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean has accelerated the development of relations between them and eventually led to the economic development of India and Persian Gulf countries.

In a world, where globalization and industrial and technological progress are the most frequently heard voices, the Persian Gulf yet remains as an outstanding region for the most precious strategic reserves of the world. The Persian Gulf harbors as the biggest reserves of the world are a major center for the production of oil and natural gas of the world. Such an importance has turned the Persian Gulf region into a hotbed for international tension and the presence of big powers particularly the United States in the region has endangered the security of the Persian Gulf region. In the Middle East, the decade of globalization was marked by endless wars and continuing insecurity. Although, the increase in the flow of information and communication has served Muslim mobility but due to its ambiguity, globalization has created a contradictory and tension filled situation in the region. Unfortunately, the Persian Gulf region at domestic level is the source of clashes among governments, sectarian rivalries, Islamic fundamentalism, and internal instability. On the global scale, Globalization was ushered into the region by war which gave the Western powers an excessive power over the region. The intervention of foreign powers has fueled tensions in the region to a great extent. Hence, the process of globalization has proved highly turbulent and has generated new conflicts. Thus, a new plan is needed for the Persian Gulf region to weather the ongoing crisis and ensure its regional security in the future. The present paper, while reviewing the presence of the US in the region and the plans raised by this country, intends to design a new order for the Persian Gulf region so as to ensure its security.

The primary objective in this paper is to carry on a general review of applying historicism approach to the study of international relations and find out how the employment of such research approach would further our knowledge of subject matter. Application of insight obtained from Historicism approach to the study of international relations would probably enable us to explain the connection between the existing data and theory. From this perspective, discovering of underlining reasons of historical happenings we ought to be able to exposit these happenings free of prejudice or researcher's bias. The entrance of sociology of historicism as an epistemological research tool into the study of international relations could potentially provide the opportunity of joint research on the basis of various theories of international relations.