جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « متون اسلامی » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Gratitude to God is one of the forgotten virtues in Islamic society. In the Qur'an and Islamic traditions much emphasis has been placed on performing this moral virtue and wonderful and miraculous works have been mentioned for it, just as ungratefulness has been strictly forbidden and blamed. In order to promote and expand this religious doctrine and benefit from its wonderful effects in life, it is necessary to examine the ways to be adorned with it. The purpose of this research is to provide solutions to obtain the spirit of gratitude to God from the perspective of Islamic texts. In order to achieve this goal, Islamic texts, especially narrative texts, were examined by a descriptive analytical method, and six general solutions were obtained, which are as follows. First: Attention and reminder of external and material blessings. Second: Attention and reminder of hidden and spiritual blessings. Third: comparing oneself with subordinates in material affairs, fourth: inverted comparison, fifth: comparing with a worse situation, in unpleasant matters, and sixth: comparing the haves and the have-nots.

The purpose of this research is to validate the conceptual scale of Hayat Tayyaba based on Islamic sources.  The research approach was quantitative and the method used was descriptive-survey.  The statistical population of the research consisted of all the faculty members of theology, education and Islamic education, doctoral students of theology and Islamic education, primary school and high school teachers of education department.  317 people were selected using simple random sampling method.  The instrument used was a researcher-made questionnaire based on theoretical studies and research background and with a Likert scale.  For its validity and reliability, content validity and Cronbach's alpha were used and analyzed by confirmatory factor analysis.  Based on the results of the quantitative part, the conceptual scale of Hayat Tayyaba was confirmed by the research sample, and the results of the confirmatory factor analysis showed the significance of all the components of the conceptual scale.

Parenting is one of the key responsibilities of parents in all societies. This task becomes difficult during adolescence because the adolescent undergoes many physical, cognitive and emotional changes in the most critical stages of development. Therefore, parents need to learn special educational methods of this course. This study, with a psychological and Islamic approach, seeks to develop parenting methods for parents, especially fathers, along with strategies and tactics. Strategy is a plan that is designed to achieve a long-term goal, and tactic is the operational methods used to achieve the goal. The method of this research is the analysis of the content of Islamic and psychological texts in the field of adolescent parenting. For this purpose, Islamic texts and psychology related to adolescence and parenting in adolescence were reviewed. 58 basic codes were obtained from Islamic propositions and 234 codes were obtained from psychological research. Data were qualitatively analyzed using Atlas T software. After classifying the initial codes, axial coding and networking were performed with an ijtihad-concrete approach. The research findings include three general strategies and 28 strategies for parenting: adolescent relationship strategy including merit, peace-seeking, popularity, proximity, insight, cognition and humor, education strategy including attention to health and acceptance of excitement, responsibility, intellectual guidance, sexual guidance Fostering Rationality, Limitations, Participation, Skills Development, Job Skills, Supervision, Counseling, Success, Practice Decision-Making, and Parental Self-Management Strategy Is.

Moral personality is one of the important and influential structures in the formation of personality according to Islam. Although ethics has been discussed in psychology from the perspective of growth or moral judgment, less attention has been paid to moral personality. The present study, while comparing moral personality from the perspectives of Islam and psychology, has explored the structures of moral personality in Islamic texts. The method of qualitative research with the analysis of themes was used. By searching for human moral characteristics in related verses and hadiths, basic, organizing, and comprehensive themes were discovered from Islamic texts. Findings showed that the comprehensive theme of moral personality includes four organizing themes of certainty, patience, justice, and jihad, and each of these organizing themes includes four basic themes. The theme of certainty includes accepting reality, trust, surrender, and submission. The theme of patience includes forbearance, asceticism, caution, accuracy, and care. The theme of justice includes impartiality, moderation, honesty, and loyalty, and the theme of jihad includes confronting lusts, controlling anger, courage, and striving in the divine path. The results of the present study can be effective for constructing a moral personality questionnaire and measuring it and providing a program to promote moral qualities in human personality.

The present study was conducted to examine the level of attention to the positive thinking lifestyle in Islamic texts and the Qur'an. Positive thinking is a form of thinking that, as a matter of habit, seeks to obtain the best results from the worst situations. The method used is descriptive-analytical, and it is based on library studies and documentary method, which has been done by taking notes from valid books and articles and by searching in software. The most important achievement of this research is familiarity with the positive attitude and its effect, as one of the most important factors in religious life. This is possible by having a good faith in God and the people, and this approach will increase the existential capacity, the spirit of gratitude and cheerfulness. The results of the study also showed that positive thoughts and attitudes increase the body's defense level and make the body stronger. Also, positive thinking is the best way to fight stress.

Glaze is one of the artefacts which we can find its producing process in Persian manuscripts. During this study due to the Persian manuscripts, it could be possible for us to understand the adapting of modern glaze producing and its traditional method. Because it seems that there is an adapting between traditional and modern glaze production in Iran, but how we can understand this adapting? We must pay attention, that one of the documents which could be useful for studying the glaze productions are manuscripts. In addition to manuscripts, the glaze samples which have been reminded from the past, are another document for analyzing the traditional glaze production. So during this study we are going to reconstruct the process of ancient Persian glazes which mentioned in manuscripts. It seems that some of the manuscripts are a copy of another one, and surviving the transposition of the manuscripts is necessary during this study. So we will survey some manuscripts during this study. But it seems that the most of manuscripts which are dated after Safavid period are a copy of older manuscripts. For example, we can suggest some manuscripts which the process of glazes production in these manuscripts are the same. So we must analyze the manuscripts and it seems that one of them Is the original treatise which other manuscripts use its formulas.

Kuš-nāma (501-04/1108-11) is one of the most important books dealing with Iran-China and Silla historical relations. A unique manuscript of the work (by M. Abullah-al-Qari) is found in a collection held in the British Library (OR 2780). The manuscript is dated Ṣafar 800/October 1397 (Matini, 1997, p. 47). This manuscript of the Kush-nama is composed of 10,129 lines. It contains a number of gaps and a relatively large number of errors, which escaped the notice of the scribe. The text narrates “a community of Iranians who escaped to China due to the Arab invasion; Iranians received maltreatment and hostility of Chinese Emperor in a specific period of time. So, Abtin, commander of the community, wrote a letter to Taehur, Silla’s king, and asked for asylum. Taehur welcomed Iranians. Irano-Sillians fought Chinese king jointly. Abtin married Franak, the daughter of Silla king and the friendship converted to a family transplant.  After a while, Abtin and Franak decided to return back to Iran to secure the country from the Arabs. Faridun, Zoroastrian mythical hero, was born in Iran (the fruit of this marriage) and finally saved the country. According to the text, Faridun contacted his Sillian grandfather through letters and also sent several armies to support Silla against Chinese troops.”  From a specific chapter (verses no. 6000), Silla lost color and disappeared from the text and other tales replaced it. As I (Akbarzadeh, 2014, p. 6) previously noted the coming back of Abtin from Silla to Iran can reflect only a historical wish against the Arabs; it means that wishing to return back as an expected savior (from China-Silla) was achieved mythically in Persian texts but it was never practiced historically. Lack of the information on destiny of those Iranian migrants to Silla was a reason that the tale was interrupted and the story rerouted by other tales. Furthermore, parts of the content can be seen in other Islamic texts (cf. Mojmal-al-Tawarikh, 2010, p. 27). However, the book has three different chapters; the first one focuses on an introduction and the second one on the tales of Hellenic kings like Alexander. The third one or the main chapter stresses on relations between Iran and Silla proper (Akbarzadeh, 2014, p. 2-4). While Master Matini referred to “Silla” as main topic of the text but he suggested the term “Ba/eSilla” of the text (for the term Ba/eSilla> Beh-Silla” see Akbarzadeh and Lee 2018, p. 55) as Japan in another work (1990: 160-177); this suggestion traced his introduction (Kush-nama) by recommendation Mr. Rajabzadeh (1997, p. 75). Also Rajabzadeh (2002, p.  65-71; 2002, p.  82) mistakenly supposed the term Ba/esilla as Japan where he missed Sasanian objects of Gyeongju National Museum, philology, art history and texts studies (Sino-Iranian) (also see Vossoughi 2014, p.  23-45). 

This study is based on comparative research by using mythology, text studies, historical records and archaeological evidences. In the study, I have tried to challenge Master Matini’s opinion about a verse (no. 1813) of Kush-nama where he explained the toponym of Kabul as mistake in the manuscript. For this issue, I frequently will refer to historical events of the fall of Sasanian Empire. Meanwhile, in this paper, I stress on the correctness of the verse and prove the text is very correct based on historical events.  

However, a chapter of Kush-nama is dedicated to a military deployment by Chinese king to attack Abtin, Iranian prince, and his troops. In the verse no. 1813, the Chinese King and his troop arrived from (the way) of Kabul to siege and attack Iranians while the text has not cited the toponym Kabul in previous verses. Master Matini, the editor of the text, wrote (footnote no.2 of the page) that “the use of the toponym is incorrect (here) “surly.”  Master Matini explained the toponym as a mistake by the poet! The author believes that the verse is correct based on some events related to the collapse of Sasanian Empire where “southeast of Iran” was entangled with China. For this issue, we are facing with the two important events; the first one was Yazdgird III’s escape to Sistan then to the Central Asia with intention to apply asylum from Chinese king. Secondly, escape of Piruz (Yazdgird’s son) to China, supports of Chinese Emperors of Tang dynasty to him (and other his relatives) against the Arabs. Late Sasanian and Post-Sasanian texts frequently have referred to these two events. Obviously Gaozong, Tang Emperor, welcomed Piruz as the legitimate monarchy of Persia as well as supported him against the Arabs.  Piruz, his son Narse, his brother Bahram and a Sasanian prince by the name Khosrow (?) received Emperors’ supports against the Arabs (Compareti 2009, p.  online). It seems that supports of Chinese Tang Emperor (Gaozong) to Piruz, his stay in Zirang (southeast of Iran), battles over the Arabs, traffics of Sasanian princes between the southeast and China can be comprehensive in the verse. In this specific period southeast of Iran linked with China meaningfully. At this time, the southeast became the cradle of the conflicts with the Arabs, to defend the national identity and secure the country while China was mingled with these issues. Despite Persian sources, Chinese texts also referred to Zirang (Pulleyblank, 1991, p.  online). Most probably, a series of epic Persian texts (Post-Sasanian), where heroes played roles from Sistan to China, can be influenced by those events;  Garshasb in Garshasb-nama, Faridun Tales (Kush-nama and others) and Sam-nama can be cited in support of the claim. The author raises this question as to why heroes such as Faridun, Franak, Garshasb, Zahak and Sam played role in China? Obviously those heroes are related to Zoroastrian resurrection! Other chapters of KN testify the relationship between China and southeast of Iran where the Chinese king asked for help from Mukran king (verse no. 6228). Also I would like to raise this question “who is Firuz, the king of Zabulistan, in Masalik-al-Mamalik?” May I suggest a connection between this king and Piruz, the son of Yazdgird?

The author believes that expeditions of Sasanian princes from China to the southeast (corridor) are reflected in Chinese king’s campaign in the verse. Also, the time of Hakim Iranshan, Zirang probably was not an important city for political and economic issues. Maybe Kabul overshadowed the toponym this time. Meanwhile, both cities were located in the southeast of Iran. In fact, the coming of a troop from the way which goes to Kabul, cannot be strange. Definitely, the economic situation of Kabul cannot be important for this issue when China and Silla entangled with sacred Zoroastrian elements! Furthermore, the author suggests that meaningful connections between mounts of Sistan and China according to Bundahishn can be influenced by those historical events. While BD knows well paths from Khorasan to China, the text has used two separate terms as “China” and “Chinestan” to describe the Far East. In the late Sasanian to Post-Sasanian texts there is a clear line between two terms which it has never studied (Akbarzadeh, 2020, p.  in print). However, using Persian “be” (toward) in the meaning of Persian “az” (from) frequently is seen in the Persian texts. In Old Persian period (i.e. Avestic text in the north and the Royal Inscriptions in the south) also dative-ablative was a normal function in grammatical structure (Abolghassemi, 1996, p.  287). Clearly the preposition of “be” does not mean “inside” (locative) in the verse.

After the fall of the Sassanid Empire and the conquest of Iran by Muslims; confrontations and communications between the Muslim Arabs and the Zoroastrian Iranians, who still believed in their ancient religion, notably increased. A significant consequence of this situation was a gradually mutual cultural familiarity; which had a vast political, social, cultural, and even scientific influence on the people's ordinary life. There is considerable information, in the Islamic sources, about how several Zoroastrian doctrines found their way into the Islamic texts, indirectly or even directly, as a result of the social relationship between Muslims and Zoroastrians.  In this paper, we survey, based on several Islamic sources, the principal modes of the first acquaintance of Muslims with Zoroastrian doctrine and practice.

The purpose of this study was a conceptual model of faculty recruitment of Farhangian University based on components extracted from Islamic texts. The scope of the present study was all Islamic texts and specifically, the Holy Quran and Nahj al-Balaghah using a purposeful approach. The research method was content analysis. First, the components of the teacher were extracted based on the analysis of Islamic texts, specifically the Holy Quran and Nahj al-Balaghah, and then the concepts were grouped with the alternative categories, and then based on the concepts extracted. , A conceptual model of faculty recruitment was presented at Farhangian University. In data analysis, coding method was used, which in total, categorical code concepts were classified into two general axes: cognitive and behavioral requirements and personality and moral requirements. The findings showed that the output of the conceptual model presentation framework based on faculty recruitment in Farhangian University can be considered by considering features such as; Self-purification and divine piety, competence and scientific knowledge, generosity, compassion and kindness, justice and fairness, loving a teacher, guidance and guidance, humility, beauty, forgiveness, practicality and respect for learners of the system framework Mand and in order to train capable teachers and be the starting point for change and transformation in the educational system.

Islamic texts have a more or less pessimistic view of the history and culture of Parthians. Based on these texts, one can obtain scattered insights about the Parthian history. One of the notable points in this text is the Parthian military confrontation with the Seleucids and the Romans. These insights include three main reports. The first report is about the military confrontation of Parthians with Romans during the Achaemenid Empire. The second battle involves the campaign of Gooderz Bin Ash for Palestine. The Blashe war with Romans is the last battle mentioned in the reports. This study attempts to reconstruct the exact details of these wars in the real history of the Parthian Empire.
 
 Methodology:

In this study, we will reconstruct these battles through a comparative study of the Parthian battles with the Seleucids and then Romans in historical accounts of the Islamic period with real reports such as coins, archaeological sources and Greek and Roman sources. By refining and categorizing these reports and excluding duplicate reports, usually adapted from earlier sources, one can benefit from the capacity of Islamic sources to reconstruct Iran's political and military history in the Parthian era. This research is written in such an approach.
 Discussion:

In some Islamic texts, the first Parthian confrontation with Romans occurred during the reign of Ash kingdom. Some of these texts describe Ashk as the eldest child who provided an army and went to the battle of Antiches and seized his kingdom (Tabari, 1974, 2/496; Balami, 2001, 499; Gardizi, 1985, 59-60; Balkhi , 1985, 59; Mostofi, 2008, 99). Isfahani Hamza mentions this war during the reign of Shapur ibn Ash Ash ibn Azar (Isfahani, 1968, 41-42). Various reports of Islamic sources have attributed the Parthian king's war against Antiches to the time of the Ash Kingdom, Shapur bin Ash , and Euphorshah. It seems that this war can be traced back to the actual Parthian history at the time of the first Ash (247 BC - 217 BC).At the time of Antiochus II's reign (246BC- 261BC ), Arsaces defeated Andragoras and gained dominion over Parth (Strootman, 2015b; Schippmann, 2012: 525-526). After Antiochus II, Seleucus II succeeded to the throne In 246 BC. With the onset of the Seleucus II campaign in the eastern regions, Arsaces retreated to the Apacak region (Strabo, 1928: 269; trootman, 2015b; Shipman, 2005: 28; Wolski, 2004: 81). In later battles with the second Seleucus, Arsaces achieved victory (Justin, 1994: 256). The Seleucid king was forced to return because of the unrest in Asia Minor. But before his retreat, he recognized the rule of Ash over Parthia and Hircania as the Sultans of the Seleucids (Strootman, 2015b; Fry, 2006: 293; Shipman, 2005: 28). It may be argued that the Ash-and-Antiochus war in Islamic history is a reflection of the battles between Ash I the founder of the Parthian kingdom and of Antiochus II and Seleucus and illustrates his efforts to drive the Seleucids out of the Iranian borders and establish the Parthian dynasty. In the history of the Islamic era, there have been reports of the attack on Palestine by Goderz bin Ash. In these reports, Guderz bin Ashq is the one who, when the Jews of the Israelites killed YahyaBenzaria (AS), destined that he would attack Yahya (AS) in revenge and kill the Jews (Tabari, 1352: 2/496; Isfahani, 1346: 42; Thalabi, 1372: 226; Gardizi, 1363: 60-61; Balkhi, 1363: 18; Mostofi, 1383: 101). In a solid account of the kingdom of Godezerz, his attack on Palestine heralds the beginning of Goderzez's reign and speaks in detail of the king's glory and highness. (Thaleb, 1372: 226). In national and epic narratives we find the name of Goderz. In these narratives, Goodarz, the son of Kashvad, is considered one of the greatest Iranian heroes. (Yarshater, 1392: 569; Safa, 1333: 574). Gooderz's name in national stories can be a reflection of Gooderz I the Parthian king. In spite of the similarity between the name of Goderz in the Islamic narrative with the Parthian king Goderz I, the insights in the Islamic texts lead us to the view that this Goderz should be regarded as the son of Ered II (37-37 BC). Labinius, the Roman commander, also accompanied him during the Pakistani invasion of Syria and Palestine. With the victory of Parthians in Syria, the way to Pakur came to the southern states of the Levant. Due to the turbulent conditions in Palestine, Pakor succeeded in conquering Jerusalem (Josphous, 1934: 126-127; Voleski, 2004: 156; Du Boaz, 1342: 92). It can be concluded that the Godarz raid on Palestine in the narratives of Islamic historians is a reflection of the Pakor army, the Parthian prince in the West Euphrates in 51 BC. Blash is the third Parthian king to be found in his scattered references to his war with the Romans in Islamic texts. Some Islamic historians make no mention of this war in the name of Blash. For example, in his report, Balami named the Ashq (Balami, 2001: 449-500), and Hamdollah Mostofi attributes it to the time of Nursi ibn Godarz ibn Balash (Mostofi, 1387: 102). According to historical reports of the Islamic period, Blush son of Khosro reported that the Romans had come to seek revenge on Antiochus and to avenge his blood on the Iranian war (Tabari, 1352: 2/497; Isfahani, 1346: 42-43). Blash asked for help from neighboring Malkovtiev. Each king provided the military and financial power to the extent of his ability. (Tabari, 1352: 2/497: Isfahani, 1346: 43-42; see also Nak; Balami, 1380: 500-449; Mostofi, 1387: 102). Concerning the Blash war and its reconciliation with the Parthian history, we may be able to cautiously date this war at the time of the fifth Blashe (191-208 AD). in the evidence provided by the Islamic texts about this war are references to the beginning of the war by the Romans. After the death of Blush IV (192/1923 - 191/1990), his son replaced him. Coinciding with the beginning of the reign of the fifth Blach, the Parthians were attacked by Septemus Soros in northern Mesopotamia. The fifth blast calls on the rulers of the provinces of Oserouen and Adiabon, whose lands were near the Roman borders, to oppose Roman siege and besiege Rome (Dio cassius, 1957: 217-218; Chaumont, 1988: 57 579; Voleski, 2004: 210; Shipman, 2005: 75). Eventually, however, the Roman troops, during their retreat, faced resistance from the city's defenders and withdrew. As the siege ended, the campaign ended. (Dio cassius, 1957: 221-222; Chaumont, 1988: 579; Voleski, 1383: 212; Shipman, 1383: 76; Duobey, 1342: 233.(
Conclusion:

In Islamic sources, we find only three cases of the Parthian-Roman wars. First is the Ashq war with Antiches. The victory of Ashq in this battle led to the establishment of the Parthian dynasty. Greek and Roman sources and recent research can partly trace the date of this war to the actual Parthian history at the time of the first Ashq (247 BC - 217 BC). Among these evidences are the first Ashq battles with the Seleucid kings and stories related to the beginning of the Parthian dynasty. Given the coincidence of the reign of Antiochus II (261 BC - 246 BC) and Seleucus II (246 BC - 225 BC), the Ashq's wars are more likely to date in this period. The reference to Antiochus in historical accounts of the Islamic period may be the same as Antiochus II of Seleucid king. The second battle is the Godarz onslaught on Palestine. Evidence from Islamic reports and its concordance with new research suggests that the attack of Godarz Bin Ash to Palestine by Prince Pakour's son Ard II (57 BC - 37 BC) could be countered by Jerusalem and the conquest of the land. The Blashe war with the Romans is the last battle mentioned in reports of the Islamic era. According to the reports of the Islamic writers about the war of Balash and its reconciliation with the history of the Parthians, this war can be dated with prudence at the time of the fifth Balash (208-201 AD). Comparing the evidence of Islamic texts with Greek and Roman sources and new research indicates that this war is a reflection of the onslaught of Emperor Septimius Soros on the lands of northern Mesopotamia during the fifth Blashe, when Islamic historians combined reports of this war with the events of the Sassanid era.

Identifying distinctive psychotherapies has been one of the tasks of researchers, and this question has always been asked that which treatment or theory is more effective. In this regard, the question of how a clinical change occurs has led much research to discover the underlying processes of change and its stages. Due to the fact that the literature of Islamic texts includes statements about psychological change, the present study aims to develop a conceptual model for the processes of positive change and its stages based on Islamic texts. For this purpose, the stages and processes of positive change were extracted from the descriptive and explanatory propositions in Islamic texts (Quran and Hadith) by qualitative content analysis. The validity of the extracted content about the processes and stages of positive change was collected and analyzed using the opinion of experts in the field. The results showed that positive change processes include overt and covert activities that individuals perform to change their cognition, emotions, and behavior in 1) motivational processes; 2) rational empowerment; 3) the pursuit of spiritual success and 4) the action; the right action leads the person to happiness and joy.

Internalization and promotion of Islamic values including Hijab and modesty necessitate an effective and gradual movement. In Iran, however, serious defects have been visible in this trend. The present research is seeking to offer a theoretical model for investigating the defects of method of teaching modesty in Iranian society. The main question of the research is what the proper theoretical model for investigating the defects of method of teaching modesty in Iran is. The study was conducted through content analysis of religious texts, the works on Islamic education, and the researches in the sphere of modesty and Hijab to formulate a model and, having collected the comments of experts in Islamic sciences, assessed the validity of this theoretical model. Based on the findings of the research, the experts confirmed the defects in the sphere of teaching modesty in five domains of family, educational milieus, media, governmental institutes and religious situations, and maintained that the effect of the items of family and educational milieus is greater than other domains.

This paper studies the Islamic texts to achieve the methods underlying the education of chastity. The research method is a document analysis which identifies the cases related to the education of chastity in the religious texts, and presenting their relation with each other and the underlying methods in a logical framework. The findings of this study include (1) paying attention to the customs of childbearing, including spouse selection, intercourse manners, selection of a good name, customs of birth, and attention to child feeding, (2) teaching religious doctrines related to chastity which includes beliefs (theism, belief in resurrection, love of Allah and the divine saints), worship (Salah, fasting, invocation, Ziyarat) and morality (modesty, jealousy and expression of arrogant behavior),
(3) sexual education, (4) teaching self-control, including controlling the look, observing privacy in non-verbal relations, avoiding being alone with a non-mahram and unnecessary verbal relations, (5) strengthening the authoritative parenting style in the family, and (6) social control in choosing a friend, commuting, dress and make-up, and the use of new communication tool.

Internalizaon of Efaf is one of the significant subject areas of Islamic educaon. It refers to the acons taken by a trainer to create and reinforce connence in the trainee. The present study seeks to idenfy the methods of internalizing the moral value of Efaf in the light of Islamic and psychological texts. Examining the contents of the Islamic texts on the issue of Efaf, this paper draws out from them the related methods by making content analysis. The research findings point to the influenal methods (behavioral ones) for internalizing Efaf, which are: 1. exemplificaon and seng a paern; 2. affecon, compassion, and devoon; 3.maintaining self-esteem; 4. habituaon and adjustment; 5. encouragement; 6. punishment; 7. hypothesizing; 8. exerng aracon; 9. prescripon and proscripon; 10. consulng; 11. conniving and disregarding; 12. representaon; 13. Playing games; 14 benefing from art; 15. poetry, lyrics, didacc literature; 16. quesons and answers.

The Silk Road was one of the most important routes connecting ancient civilizations. It was also the main road used for commercial exchanges between the East and the West. This very long route enjoyed great splendor and significance in the course of history and played a major role in the world’s economic relationships. Along the course of this commercial route, not only goods but also cultures, traditions, customs, and rituals were exchanged between China and the West. The importance and fundamental role of this road in the history of the economic, cultural, and social relationships in the world is known to everyone. Here, the important stations and stopping places held specific significance in the course of history. One of the important cities on the Silk Road was Kashghar which, due to its geographical location, attracted the attention of many writers and historians. Accordingly, it has been mentioned several times in ancient historical and geographical texts, and the process of its development has been clearly manifested therein. Iran is one of the oldest Asian countries which is located in the middle of the Silk Road. It played a mediating role in connecting China and Western countries, which is why Iranian writers, historian, literarymen, and geographers have always written about this commercial route and, particularly, about Kashghar and its stations and transferred their knowledge in this regard from generation to generation. The study of such sources and introducing them to others could greatly contribute to clarifying the quality of the economic and cultural exchanges through the Silk Road. The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief explanation of the status of Kashghar on the Silk Road through a study of Islamic texts. Moreover, it mainly intends to introduce the writers of these works and provide a selection of known facts about this city. In doing so, the writer has tried to classify the related Persian texts and briefly introduce them. Therefore, the present paper explores and evaluates the status of Kashghar on the Silk Road as a historical problem in three categories: “Kashghar in the historical, geographical, and literary texts of the early centuries of the rise of Islam until the Safavid era”, “Kashghar in Persian prose texts”, and “status of Kashghar on the Silk Road according to a historical map from the Mongol Period”.

This research seeks to examine the pathologies of marital relaons on the basis of Islamic doctrines. Since the Quran and the tradion of the Prophet (s) and Imams (a) contain warnings and soluons regarding marital relaons and their problems, it is necessary to comprehensively deduce and classify problems of marital relaons in Islamic doctrines. The main queson of this research is as follows: what are the pathologies of a marital relaon according to Islamic texts? The method of this research is deducon on the basis of Islamic texts (the standard method of ijhad). According to the results of this research, the pathologies of marital relaons are classified in ten categories: problems concerning the character traits of men and women such as moodiness, inappropriate distribuon of power between husband and wife, non-observaon of family limits, transgression of the norms of sexual relaons, weakness in verbal communicaons, behavioral problems of spouses at home, weakness in expressing and controlling emoons and passions, troubles in sexual relaons, lack of psychological and physical health, and nonpiety of the spouses.

This article is concerned with sociological metaphors in religious texts as a issue of social theology. Social theology is a discipline that teaches us the views of religious leaders، i. e God، the prophets، and the Imams on human social life، through studies on religious sources (Quran and Hadiths). This type of research is، indeed، very important، for it teaches us the views of religious authorities that are necessary for the improvement of our social life، and is a complementary studies for that of sociological and social philosophy. This research can also be considered as an step towards formulating a Shi‘i / Islamic social theory. This type of research is essencially new and innovative. Three types of metaphors، i. e. organic، mechanical and (market and game) field theories، were dealt with and interpretated. Although these metaphors were existed in religious sources، they had not been studied by sociological approach. The initiative of this article rests on this type of sociological approach towards religious text studies. This type of research، brings the religious social texts to the scene of our daily social life and benefits from them for the promotion of social conditions and situations. However، multiplicity and plurality of sociological metaphors in Shi‘i / Islamic texts، at the same time، indicates that: Human’s social life has a very complicated and ambigious nature، which can talk about its existence only through، metaphore، comparison and allegory