جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « arab world » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

In the last century, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the theoretical, conceptual and field developments in the Islamic world, a suitable opportunity was created to play the role of various types of Sunni Islamism, including the Ikhwan al muslimeen, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Salafism, Wahhabi and Salafism Jihadi (such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS) etc. at national and international levels.Of course, most of these movements failed to achieve their goals, but this did not remove them from the scene of regional and international activism. Rather, in cases like the Taliban, we have witnessed their return to power. Or the Ikhwan al muslimeen is always fluctuating in the dynamic between social action and political action and the anti-occupation movements have also strengthened the resistance front. The main question of this article is what is the current situation of the Sunni Islamists and where is their position in the Arab world. Which was examined through future study and extracting the drivers, uncertainties, drivers and understanding the side and direction and discursive space of Sunni Islamism, and based on this, the upcoming scenarios have been drawn.

The Iran and Iraq war had a significant impact on the level and nature of relationships between Iran and Syria, as well as on a larger level of political and security order equations in the Middle East, and led to the form of an alliance between the two governments. Based on this, the main question of this article is what was Syria's approach towards Iran during the Iran-Iraq war? Examining the problem using the analytical-descriptive method shows that during the war, Syria's approach was based on the alliance with Iran and creating a balanced regional power against Iraq, the United States and its Arab allies and Israel. Syria has taken several proceedings such as preventing the alignments of the Arab countries against Iran, providing military-political support to Iran, increasing Iran's maneuvering power at the regional level, specifically creating the possibility of Iran's presence and influence in Lebanon, participating in the economic war against Iraq, played a great role in supporting Iran and creating a balance of power in favor of this country and preventing Iraq's military superiority and regional hegemony, and in this way, it affected the formation and strengthening of the alliance between Iran and Syria.

The purpose of this study is structural modeling of the value chain of media productions in Iranian media diplomacy towards the Arab world. The present research is applied in terms of purpose and is quantitative in terms of research design and descriptive-survey in terms of data collection. The statistical population included all media experts in Tehran, including elites, university professors in the fields of communications and media, foreign policy officials, officials of the country's media organizations, and, if possible, Arab media students from the universities of Baghdad and Beirut. The sample size was selected based on Cochran's formula to 385 people. The research tool consists of a questionnaire of 41 questions. Its validity has been confirmed in a formal and content manner and its reliability has been proved based on Cronbach's alpha at the rate of 0.84. The collected data were based on the analysis of structural equations in LISREL software. The results showed that indicators (innovation, customer orientation, brand credibility, technology infrastructure, management, content, support, competitive advantage, service quality, value creation, marketing, human resources and organizational communication) on media diplomacy with an impact factor They have been proportionate, effective.

After the Arab Spring in 2011, there was a lot of hope in the Middle East and North Africa to improve the political and economic situation; But what can be seen today is the growing concern and fear of worsening conditions. Egypt is one of the countries that were expected to experience profound political changes after the fall of Hosni Mubarak, and especially to put an end to decades of authoritarianism and inefficiency. However, the course of events progressed in such a way that the previous crises and problems continued, and today we are faced with the question of how to manage the internal and external challenges of this country. It seems that Egyptian managers and policymakers are trying to cover internal and external problems through an active diplomacy and strengthen national pride and identity by implementing ambitious plans. This paper tries to investigate and analyze the subject by collecting the necessary data and evidence through the library and the Internet and with a descriptive-analytical approach. Based on this, first, a review of the internal (economic and political) problems of Egypt is done, and then there are explanations about the issues and events of the southern and western borders of that country. The sum of these discussions will show why the staple of crises has been talked about today's situation in Egypt.

Relations between Saudi Arabia and Syria have experienced many ups and downs since the two countries entered the realm of national governments. The presence of Riyadh and Damascus in rival camps during the Cold War paved the way for divergence in bilateral relations. With the rise of the Ba'ath party in Syria in 1963, relations between the two sides became strained. with the beginning of the Syrian crisis, Riyadh became one of the main supporters of proxy war and the policy of regime change. However, with the acceleration of the political settlement of the crisis and the beginning of the period of economic reconstruction, the Saudis, like other countries in West Asia and North Africa, have taken the path of normalizing relations with Damascus. The main question of the present article is Why has the situation of divergence been the dominant strain in the relations between Saudi Arabia and Syria ? In this regard, using the propositions of the regional security complex theory, the hypothesis is tested that the different roles of Riyadh and Damascus in the West Asian security complex, including their distinct position on the issue of the israel-Palestinian conflict, the transformation of Riyadh against The axis of resistance and Shiite geopolitic and the lack of cultural, religious, racial, divergence have become the dominant aspects of bilateral relations. The present article is descriptive and analytical and the required information is collected by library method and referring to valid internet sources.

After the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia in 2010, a wave of unrest swept the Arab world, which eventually led to revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, the overthrow of the government in Yemen and Libya, and the outbreak of the civil war in Syria. While many reasons were offered for these unrests, such as the dependence of governments on foreign powers, the existence of authoritarian governments, suppression of opponents in general and Islamist movements in particular, individual-centered power, etc., the main reason shall be considered the erosion of the social contract. However, after more than a decade, the Arab world has not yet been able to find a suitable mechanism to define a new model of social contract. Now the main question is why Arab governments are not able to reach a final solution in determining the optimal pattern of communication between the government and the society as a new social contract. It seems that lack of dialogue channels between the government and the society, the impossibility of changing the social status of citizens, the implementation of poverty-generating policies, the existence of illegitimate democratic institutions, the social status of women, etc. are among the main obstacle in this regard. Considering the critical situation of these governments, in that normal political factors have turned into socio-economic security concerns due to the inefficiency of the governments, this study intended to investigate factors that have led the Arab world into a security crisis in the framework of the Copenhagen School of Security.

The issue of tradition and modernity is one of the most important topics of thought in the contemporary era, which dates back to the late 19th century and early 20th century. It has preoccupied many thinkers and reformers from different trends in the Islamic-Arab world and continues to this day in terms of attitudes, themes and methods. Among these thinkers, we can mention Abdallah Laroui and Mohammed Abed al-Jabri as two thinkers in the western part of the Islamic world. Their works in the field of analysis, analysis and explanation of issues and events in the Arab world, especially after the defeat of 1967. It has a very high position; They were able to present important schemas of historical reality, the reasons for the backwardness, the obstacles to modernization, and the future of the Arab world. Relying on different approaches and concepts, Laroui and Jabri sought to establish a modern culture and rational understanding in the Arab world, framing and determining the correct starting point for achieving modernity according to the requirements of the time. And their projects are in line with each other; Laroui argues for the inseparability of tradition and al-Jabri argues for the inseparability of tradition. Laroui introduced the strategy of modernization from the outside and Jaberi the strategy of modernization from the inside. Laroui also examines tradition and modernity in three steps: a critique of contemporary Arab ideologies, historicism as a solution, and Laroui attention to the Marxist objectivist approach and the liberal approach. In his reading of tradition, al-Jabri has proposed a three-dimensional method based on three basic stages: the method of structuralism, historical analysis, and the deconstruction of ideological propositions of epistemological elements. This article examines the issue of tradition and modernity in the thought of Abdallah Laroui and Mohammed Abed al-Jabri with a comparative-analytical approach and answers various questions; What is the definition of tradition and modernity in the intellectual system of Abdullah Laroui and Mohammad Abed Al-Jaberi? What are the intellectual plans of Mohammed Abed al-Jabri and Mohammad Abdallah Laroui in the analysis of tradition and modernity?

Heritage and modernity are among the most challenging and perhaps the most sensitive issues of the last two hundred years of the Islamic world, around which different and sometimes contradictory, extremist, and deviant readings and approaches have been formed. Undoubtedly, this issue is one of the common and frequent topics in the intellectual discourse of the Arab world and has attracted the attention of many thinkers. Hassan Hanafi (1935) is a thinker, theorist, and one of the most prominent contemporary religious modernists. His project of heritage reconstruction is one of the great projects in the Arab Islamic world. Hanafi launched a project to rethink and rebuild the legacy of the past to resolve the crises and challenges of the Islamic-Arab world. This present descriptive-analytical study aims to review and critique Hassan Hanafi’s heritage reconstruction project. The study addresses the following questions: What is the definition of heritage from Hanafi’s point of view? What are the components of the Hanafi’s heritage reconstruction project? What are Hanafi’s intellectual foundations in this project? What is the Hanafi approach to this project? What are heritage readings? This study uses two articles of Nasrullah Aghajani as benchmarks. The results show that according to Hanafi, heritage reconstruction is made in special ways, some of which involve language and words, some refer to meanings and concepts, and some to the very nature of objects and subjects.

Modernity in the Arab world began from the moment the Arab thinker realized that the Westerners were ahead of him and that he was still lagging behind. The beginning of this moment is mentioned in the attack of Napoleon Bonaparte in the late 18th century. That is, modernity did not originate from the context of an internal cultural revolution. Some see it as a moment of cultural invasion and the spread of Western colonialism in the Arab world. Modernity allowed the Arab intellect to discover itself, its shortcomings, and its space. The clash between the Islamic and Western systems took place during Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt in 1798, which led to their confrontation and affected the people. The issue of heritage and modernity is one of the most important challenging issues in contemporary Arab thought in the 1970s, especially if we look at the vast amount of writings, researches, and seminars that have dealt with this subject. Hassan Hanafi (born 1935, Cairo) was a thinker, theorist, and one of the most prominent contemporary Egyptian religious modernists. He was an Islamic theorist, a graduate of the French Sorbonne University, and taught and researched in many universities in Arab countries. He had the middle ground between fundamentalism and secular currents. Hanafi became famous for his Islamic leftist views and the intellectual project called ‘heritage reconstruction’. Hanafi works in the three areas of reconstruction of Islamic heritage, western studies, and the recognition of issues related to the contemporary reality of Muslims.

The present study critiques Hanafi’s heritage reconstruction project using a descriptive-analytical approach. Articles have already been written on Hanafi’s intellectual foundations, methodology, and Western studies project. We can even refer to numerous and noteworthy articles (e.g. Nasrullah Aghajani and his book entitled Islam and Modernity in Egypt).  The two studies of Aghajani have been considered in this study as benchmarks of criticizing Hanafi’s heritage reconstruction: ‘Islamic heritage in the grip of modernity: a critique of Hassan Hanafi's approach in the reconstruction of Islamic heritage’ and ‘the methodology of Hassan Hanafi's intellectual system’.

In Aghajani’s first study, the issue of modernization and ways of modernizing heritage, which is considered in the present study, is mentioned. But the project of heritage reconstruction and its components and readings, the difference between modernity and innovation, and other issues raised in the present, have not been considered by Aghajani. In the second study, Hanafi’s methodology including the epistemological and non-epistemological fields affecting his intellectual system is stated and only influential people and schools are mentioned and Hanafi’s reconstruction project is not discussed.
Hanafi presented a project called ‘heritage reconstruction’ to solve the contemporary crises of the Islamic-Arab world, which is one of his most important intellectual projects based on conceptualization. He refers to the legacy of spiritual data left over from the history of Islam in the fields of traditional epistemology. He believes the tradition itself must be achieved by suspending existing interpretations. Hanafi has a utilitarian view of the Islamic tradition that should be reconstructed in that part of the Islamic tradition. This view is in line with the conditions of the Islamic world. Hanafi describes the Islamic heritage phenomenologically according to Husserl's phenomenology.

In this study, we have examined the intellectual background of contemporary extremism in the Arab world, which has emerged in the form of the jihadist Salafist movement and has become the basis for the violent actions of organizations such as ISIS and al-Qaeda. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical. The findings show that the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924 served as the most important ground for identity disintegration among contemporary Arab Islamists; in the meantime, projects to revive the caliphate, despite its attractiveness, have not been successful in identifying. In such a context, the Salafi jihadist movement tries to create an intellectual system by depicting the current situation based on the concepts of "ignorance and sovereignty without God", depicting the desired situation based on the concept of "reviving the caliphate" and the means to achieve the desired situation based on the concept of "jihad", attempt to provide an untangling intellectual system to fill the post-conflict identity gap. These efforts have led to the production of extremist ideas and acts of violence

Relations between Iran and the Arab countries with a common historical background from antiquity under the influence of some divergent and converging factors have undergone changes over a period of time. These relationships, despite numerous cultural and historical commonalities, have never been favorably evaluated by a number of variables such as race, language, or religion throughout history, especially in the contemporary era. However, due to important religious, historical and cultural commonalities, single enemies, the expansion of common borders, and ethnic and popular interactions, it is nowadays required to increase tensions and convergence between Iran and the Arab world in order to increase the necessary uses at regional and global levels. More push. In this research, the author aims to evaluate the strategies and factors for improving these relations and interaction after examining the diverging variables in Iran's relations with the Arab world, in response to how the formation of modern Islamic civilization is influenced by Iran's relationship with the Arab world. Iran's solidarity with the Arab world in the light of cultural, political, economic, and historical ties. According to the hypothesis of this paper, this can provide the basis for the realization of modern Islamic civilization on a global scale.

The purpose of the present research is to investigate large-scale political and social deprivation that objectively provides a context for promoting radical ideas in the contemporary Arab world, leading the groundwork for attracting part of society to extremist idea. This research was conducted in a descriptive-analytical manner, and the findings of the capacities of relative deprivation theories indicated that deprivation of power-oriented values (the status of political participation), interpersonal values (the status of poverty, education, and suburbanization) has escalated into a gap between value expectations and value capabilities of part of society, helping extremists to benefit more greatly from the accessible and despicable social context. The social situation of the Arab world with respect to material values is an indication of a significant distance between the status que and value expectations of citizens. The analyses of current violent movements in the Arab world such as ISIS and al-Qaeda are of significance when the social-political context of these movements is taken into consideration apart from the analyses of intellectual components.

Survey behavioral patterns of Arab world and its impacts on the political grand structures is of new discuses in the field of political studies of Arab world. Purpose of introduction of this subject is in order to consider the special view to some kind of social behaviors that in historical trend in form of a relatively stability general tradition organize the above structures.Accordingly, this article is based on theoretical framework of behaviorism and descriptive-analytic method investigates the Impact of behavioral patterns and Arab-Cultural on the process of democracy in the Middle East.Research findings suggest that the diversity of behavioral patterns and political culture in the Arab world, such as authoritarianism, the inappropriate presence of informal groups, nationalism and pan-Arabism prevent from process of democracy.Research findings suggest that the diversity of behavioral patterns and political culture in the Arab world, such as authoritarianism, the inappropriate presence of informal groups, nationalism and pan-Arabism prevent from process of democracy.

Any relations among humans will lead to intercultural relations in practice. Today, the media is burdened with an important portion of such relations. The relationship between “Iranian world” and “Arab world” is no exception to this. The essence of this relationship and its chief elements are culture and civilization coming from shared life or interaction among various tribes and nations and from the transference of its cultural components. In the course of history, the Iranian and Arab worlds have maintained coexistence either by choice or by force so that they have a major share in laying the foundation of a joint civilization. The most outstanding example of intercultural confrontation between the Iranians and Arabs dates back to the building of a bright Islamic civilization known as the Islamic Renaissance. “Islam” was the architecture and promoter of relations and communications between the Iranian and Arab worlds. This interaction, however, is facing some challenges today. These challenges have not been created overnight. To overcome these challenges, one must review and analyze their root causes. This paper has focused on media capacities and roles in minimizing the intercultural tensions coming from deconstructive representations while reviewing the historical cultural commonalities between the Iranian and Arab worlds. The main instrument for studying these variables is the so-called peace journalism that is a media for boosting mutual agreement, concord, and mutual understanding between the two cultures. However, we will first show that analyzing the structures of conflict and violence is the prerequisite for paying attention to peace.
We will also show in this paper that how intercultural, scientific and academic relations can directly and indirectly work along with the media to pave the ground for concordant intercultural relations. Cooperation among the university students majoring in cultural relations and studies in the cultural arena of the Iranian and Arab worlds can pave the ground for holding training courses and specialized workshops on peace journalism.

Iranophobia is a multidimensional phenomenon that has been deeply linked to political and security issues. But, its historical, cultural, and even political and international roots cannot be ignored by considering such those issues. These conditions are adapted to current Iranophobia trend in Arab world more than anywhere else. As a result, the present research tries to provide a set of solutions for cantering the current problem in Arabs public opinion by focusing on the answer of this important question that "what are the roots of Iranophobia in Arab world?" The hypothesis has been examine in this study is "Iranophobia in the Arab world not only have a historical and cultural root, but also the recent political developments in the region exacerbate it and for overcoming the current situation, it is necessary to present a coherent strategy for restoring Iran's image in the Arab world.

Mohammad Arkoun is considered as one of the contemporary Arab thinkers being of significant part related to the development of conception and interpretation from history in the present studies. In this writing which is concerned with reviewing his method intended for the comprehension of history of Islam, it has been mentioned the concept of historical methodology and following the review of his general research methods, the way of his historical criticism has been studied.
Arkoun has developed this method for the purpose of investigating one of the most important era of history of Islam, Umayyad and Abbasid era, and the most important elements of this new method is the intellectual analysis and criticism of historical sources.

on new developments in Egypt. Due to widespread protests in Arab countries such as Egypt, Tunisia and Libya that led to the victory of the revolution. So many stions about the role of women in the political developments of the country. One of these is the question of what approach to new developments taking place in the Arab world due to the presence there of women . What factors make women's participation in the revolution. Impact of globalization on the role of Arab women. Finally, new developments will affect the future of women in the Arab world.

Human relations are among the most vital concepts widely accepted by all walks of life in human societies. From among various such relations, cultural relations practiced in cultural fields, are very important. The Persian culture, that must be considered as a broader concept than the Iranian culture, encompasses historical conditions and epochs of time that Iran has put behind, covering vast borders and experiencing various government structures as well as eye-catching events. Signs of all these developments have been manifested in Persian culture. It is among the cultures that possesses elements for proximity to other cultures and admitting those cultures with all commonalities and differences. It is clear that cultures, particularly neighboring and closer cultures, have mutual influence on one another. There is no exception to this rule, be it a Western culture or a Persian one. On this basis, this paper intends to clarify some common points with these cultures to pave the ground for an interaction based on past infrastructures in the course of centuries in order to use it as an appropriate ground for future steps. The principal issue of this research paper is to clarify the need and possibility of cultural relations between Iran and the Arab world based on commonalities and practical or potential capacities. To realize such an objective, the historical background, current conditions, and the prospects shall be studied in view of cultural relations between Iranian and Arab communities. Although the categorization of this research paper is not merely based on studying the historical periods of these relations, it is however important in helping elucidation of the subject matter and in uncovering its hidden aspects.

The bitter fact of internal conflicts that the world of Islam is suffering from today has made the majority of thinkers to look for solutions. There is no way but dialogue to solve this complicated status quo. Following a review of the concept of dialogue and some of its specifications, this paper has employed “lived experience” to highlight the importance of Iranian-Arab dialogue and pave the way for its success in generalization of this pattern of dialogue into all other forms of dialogue in Islamic community. Then, pointing to some requirements and prerequisites of such a dialogue, in the first step, the paper has focused on mutual recognition of the two sides and proposed that the intellectual currents in Iran and the Arab world must be analyzed in view of the self and other through five factors of genealogy, situation, intellectual and religious fundamentals, social status and stance vis-à-vis major issues of the Islamic ummah. This needs establishment of a permanent secretariat at one of the institutes trustable to the Muslim thinkers in both Iran and the Arab world.

An accurate understanding of thoughts would be possible when it is studied in the form of studying the currents. The issue of this research is the typology of contemporary Muslim thought that has been made by combining existing typologies with an analytical-critical method. The classification of contemporary thought in four categories: isolated traditional, active traditional, evident modern and hidden modern has considerable capacities. The isolated traditional currents include traditional Shiite jurisprudence currents, Tehran school of wisdom and mysticism, and Salafism. The active traditional currents include Islamization of knowledge, cultural reform, critical rationalism, and traditionalism. The evident modern currents include historical secularism, and epistemic secularism. The hidden modern currents include modern and postmodern currents with Islamic suffixes such as Islamic liberalism, Islamic nationalism, Islamic Marxism, Islamic feminism, as well as neo- Mu'tazilites current and rhetorical interpretation. Meanwhile, the modern currents enjoy predominance in studying the traditional ones as an object either in a sympathetic way or contentious way. The life's continuation of hidden modern currents and some isolated traditional ones, such as Salafism depends on Western political support, and the safe path can only be sought in the active traditional current.