جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "international powers" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

The main purpose of this study is to explain the geopolitical rivalries of regional and supra-regional powers in Iraq and its impact on national security. The main question of the present study is what were the challenges of Iran's national security in Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003-2019? The research method is mixed in terms of type (two qualitative and quantitative phases). The quality part is based on multi-stage coding. A small part will be applied in terms of descriptive survey type in terms of purpose. The statistical community will include experts and thinkers active in the field of political science and international relations. A statistical sample of 371 political science professors and students of political science and international relations will be selected by simple random sampling. Research tools include interview methods (transcripts), Delphi method and questionnaire. For the validity of the research tool, experts in political science and international relations will first be consulted to evaluate the content and form. The reliability of the questionnaire will be evaluated through Cronbach's alpha in the preliminary stage (guide study) and final. Finally, the structure of the questionnaire and the structure of the research will be factor analysis

Bahrain is one of the small but important countries in the Persian Gulf region, which is ruled by 30% of the Sunni population, despite the fact that 70% of its population is Shiite, and has been ruled by the Al Khalifa regime for many years. The foreign policy of this country and the structures that shape it is a subject that has not been studied in detail in various research works, so in this article we intend to analyze the structures that shape the foreign policy of this country in detail. In this study, we seek to answer the question: what are the most important structures that shape the interactive-confrontational foreign policy of Bahrain and what is the governing model of the foreign policy of this country? The hypothesis raised in response to this question is that the demographic-cultural, economic, military-security and political structures specific to Bahrain have caused conflicts and interactions in the field of foreign relations of this country and have caused the foreign policy of this country. The country is formed in the transition from interaction to confrontation. The method used in this research is an explanatory method and in order to collect data, the most important documents in libraries, think tanks and also a qualitative survey method have been used.

Protests in Syria accompanied by government oppression and regional powers’ interference transformed the civil unrest into a widespread regional crisis which has had detrimental effects on security dynamism in Middle East. Beside the importance of the effective domestic and regional elements in the rise and continuity of the crisis, the role played by the trans-regional powers is of utmost importance in assessing the Syrian crisis, and its dimensions, consequences and future. Presence of the trans-regional powers in the Syrian crisis added new dynamism to the power equations in Syria leading to its further complexity. The current research aims to assess the Syrian crisis from the perspective of the role played by the trans-regional. Hence, the question raised here is: what are the important international powers involved in the Syrian crisis and what roles they play in management or/and escalation of the crisis? In order to respond to the question, this study considers the United States and Russia as major trans-regional powers involved in the Syrian crisis and analyzes the roles, interests and actions of these states and their management of political developments in the crisis.

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil war (in Syria). Other Arab states have seemed to be stable. These different outcomes raise the question of what were the causes of those uprisings, and why were some of them successful, but not others. In order to answer these questions, by employing the systemic model and the historical sociology method the involved factors are explored in six segments, namely, political, economic, social, cultural, military and external. These uprisings show that popular dissent is deep-rooted in the Arab countries, and can come to surface unexpectedly. However, what played the determining role in the collapse of some regimes and survival of the others was the specific composition of short-run factors in each country. Those events show those governments that by their political management attracted the allegiance of a considerable part of their population (even an important minority) and maintained the loyalty of the body of their army survived. When the shock of Bin Ali’s demise subsided, the Arab governments gradually learned from each other how to deal with the crisis caused by the Arab Spring, using various tactics to control their own population and to avoid the formation of an international consensus against them.

Along formation of political developments in Yemen, regional and international actors based on their own interests, have taken different policies in relation to this country which has specific geo-strategic and geopolitical importance in the Middle East. In the meantime, the attempts of some states to change the status quo and others in order to maintain the status quo in this country to increase their strength is one manifestation of political developments in Yemen which make the situation more complicated. Using offensive realism, this paper aims to explore the motivations of most important regional and international actors who want to change or maintain the status quo in this country in order to improve their pay off. The main question is that, what is the reason of regional and international powers to pay attention and intervene in the internal affairs of Yemen? The findings show that the political developments in the country are increasing and the power of the actors in the region is decreasing. Although the changing of balance of power is unacceptable for the Arab states and their Trans- regional allies. the method in this research is descriptive-analytical according to library resources including articles and internet sites from Persian and Latin sources. Technique of data-collection is also taking notes

This paper has been organized in two interpretation levels: structure of political and economic powers in new international system and the consequences of this structure on the geo-political developments of the Middle East. The hypothesis is that geo-political outputs of the Middle East are significantly affected by the disputes, rivalry and differences of powerful states, but the international competitions among European countries, America and Russia reinforce the existing polarity. Trying to manage the conflicts rather than to solve them, these countries take advantage of this polarity to sell their military weapons and to reach economic balance. Theory of Robert Kagan constitutes the theoretical framework of the study discussing the importance of position, political influence and economic transactions in international system. The paper takes into considerations the current economic status of America, modern goals of Russia, foreign policy legacy of Obama and motivational system of Israel in the new geo-political framework of the Middle East. The study concludes the emergence of a bipolar system in the Middle East in which the countries are going to weaken each other through regional and international coalitions. Continuation of this bipolarity depends upon the financial facilities of the regional actors, in one hand, and the result of America – Russia negotiations regarding their bilateral and European disputes.

With circulation of Takfiri and Salafi currents in the bedrock ofIslamic Awakening and emergence of difference and obscurity in roots, processes and nature, the prospect of regional developments has immerged into ambiguity in such a way that it could not be predicted what the consequences of the upheavals for countries specially for the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) national security will be. The westoxicated front of Arab region seeks orders in West civilization, but the IRI searches for local security orders in light of Islamic culture. Therefore, if the IRI is seeking local and Islamic orders, it should not lag in understanding the process and nature of regional developments. Emerging tendencies and rise of possible instability in the region will directly affect the IRI national security. Accordingly, the present study aims to clarify the nature of awakening developments in Arab region and their impacts on the IRI national security.

Because of its special geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economic characteristics, the Caucasus is one of the most troubled controversial areas in the world. Due to its rich oil and gas fields, important location in regional transit, favorable markets for the export of goods and its political importance, which owes to ethnic conflicts, political instability and lack of democracy, it has attracted regional and international powers. The most important regional and international players are Russia, the US, Iran, Turkey, Europe and Israel among which Russia and the US have more significant roles. Russia’s major goals are: using the countries located in this region as a buffer zone, providing easy access to the Middle East and Southern Asia, balancing international relations and securing economic interests. Russia tries to re-emerge as an international power and regain the position it lost after the breakup of the Soviet Union. What the US tries to achieve is providing access to the region for a predicted future, controlling other countries’ access to the region, influencing the region and leading the Central Asian countries to a supported independence which results in political stability and economic growth. The US also tries to control Islamism and isolate Iran. The European Union is mainly seeking economic interests in the region. Also, Europe diligently tries to help these countries to maintain their independence and promote democracy. In their relations with the Central Asian countries, the European countries try to secure Russia’s interest because they believe that after undergoing economic revival Russia can play a major role in Europe. Israel tries to secure its position in this region, especially in the Muslim countries, so that it can develop political, economic and cultural relations and improve its international and regional legitimacy, and undermine the role of religion in conflicts between Israel and the Arab countries, facilitate Jews immigration to Israel, limit fundamentalism and benefit from the economic, agricultural and industrial capacities of the region. Enhancing regional cooperation and removing security worries of the region are the major aims of Iran in its relations with the countries in the region. The main strategic factors include Iran and Central Asia’s future relations with Russia and the US. In fact, the establishment of a security belt in the northern borders of Iran, especially by international powers has posed territorial, economic and cultural threats to Iran.