جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "politics" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

Neo-Mu'tazilah refers to a group of Muslim reformers, revivalists and new thinkers. In the last two centuries, with their rationalistic approach to religious teachings, they have been inspired by the methods and beliefs of the old Mu'tazilah. But the basic question is, what methods did the early and late Neo- Mu'tazilah of Egypt use to empower the Islamic world in the face of the hegemony of the Western world? And what approach did they take to religious teachings, reason and science, politics, predestination and free will to compensate for the backwardness of Muslims compared to Western civilization? In a general view of the group of Neo-Mu'tazilah movements in Egypt, two distinct trends and approaches can be seen in the last half century; The first approach of the followers of Neo-Mu'tazilah is advanced (led by Seyed Jamal and Abduh). They have tried to reconstruct the principles and ideas of the old Mu'tazilah in order to empower Islam against the attacks of the West. However, the second approach (after Rashidreza) in the course of its movement in the foundations of epistemology, has become concretely oriented from argumentative reason to conventional-experimental reason. Inspired by the philosophical-intellectual method, this late Neo-Mu'tazilah thought had a self-based and experimental approach in facing modernity. With its experimental and scientific interpretation, as well as the necessity of combining religious faith with intellectual awareness, this school has grown significantly among the scientific and academic societies of Egypt. This research tries to collect information in a descriptive-analytical method. To examine and analyze the importance of the religious ideas of Egyptian Neo-Mu'tazilah in terms of religion, science and reason, politics, determinism and will.

Justice has been one of the most precious values ​​known in the fundamental concepts in the history of thought and social and political theory. Saadi considers Adl to represent a healthy society that does not focus on a specific group, but rather on all social strata and classes. In such an age, Saadi is the flag bearer of a school in which he has expressed peace, justice, order, benevolence and truthfulness of service on one side and hatred, malice, injustice, disorder and escape from human rules on the other side. He places justice as the middle ground between the government and the people, and considers the behavior of rulers to be the axis of justice. He has expressed the characteristics of a just ruler as the main pillar of an ideal society in justice. Saadi emphasizes worldly and religious affairs, has a reformist attitude and relies on religious teachings to achieve a superior model of lawful government. Saadi considered the indicators of the concept of optimal justice as the virtue of rulers and considered justice between the people and the government. In order to establish a desirable society in Golestan, Saadi devotes a chapter to the biography of the kings, and in Bostan, he recounts the issue of justice, planning, and voting as one of the most important political ideas. Golestan has written a view of the real society and Bostan has written a view of the ideal society. This article examines the place of justice and good governance in Saadi's works. The research method of this article is a descriptive-analytical method and the collection of sources and documents is a library.

Albani is known as the most prominent contemporary Salafi scholar of hadith among Salafi currents, and his opinions attract the attention of Salafist academic societies. Although Albani`s Salafism has many commonalities and convergence with other Salafists in religious thinking and approach, it has differences and divergences with them in many ways. Based on this, in this article, the issue of convergence and divergence of the Albani`s scientific Salafist thought and approach with other Salafist currents has been investigated with the library research method. The findings of the research show that the scientific Albani`s Salafism converges with the Salafist currents in the main and identity-building axes of Salafism. In contrast, some of Albani's thoughts and opinions, such as opposition to Ibn Taymiyyah in some opinions, denial of a special scientific position for Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab, differences in religious and jurisprudential opinions, opposition to his takfirism and aversion to politics have caused differences and divergences with some Salafist currents.

The interplay between politics and public policy significantly influences governance and societal progress, particularly in Iran. Politics, encompassing power dynamics and ideologies, shapes public policymaking, which serves as a tool to address societal issues. Understanding this relationship is vital for advancing policymaking knowledge. This paper explores the conceptual distinction between politics, rooted in political science, and public policy, studied in policy analysis. It critiques ambiguous terms like "public policy politics" and "political policy," suggesting clearer alternatives such as "public policymaking politics" to enhance understanding. The study identifies key challenges in this interaction, including short-term political interests, inequality in policy implementation, and populism, all of which can distort justice and undermine public good. Despite these challenges, the paper highlights the potential for positive outcomes through increased transparency, accountability, and collaboration among political actors, fostering a more equitable policymaking process. Ultimately, while politics can negatively impact policy, it also provides an opportunity to create just, evidence-based, and sustainable public policies. By addressing political influences constructively, policymakers can ensure governance prioritizes fairness and long-term societal benefit over political expediency. This analysis underscores the dual nature of politics in shaping public policy—both as a challenge to justice and a potential catalyst for progress.

Caucasian ethnic groups have had a close relationship with Iranians in recent centuries. Among the ethnic groups that played an important role in the political and economic structure of Iran during the Qajar era were the Georgians. This article attempts, using historical reports and data, to examine the presence of Georgian immigrants in Iran and to investigate the activities and life of Alexander Mirza Georgian and his children and descendants in the political structure of Iran. According to the available data, families such as Naqdi, Bahar, and Tehrani are among the descendants of Alexander Mirza. This research seeks to answer the question of what connection the ancestors of the Naqdi, Bahar, and Tehrani families had with the Georgian royal family? And whether historical documents confirm the origin of these families to Alexander Mirza? In this research, which was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method, one of the main ambiguities in the family narratives of this family is the doubts about the relationship between Sohrab and Afrasiab. Some members of this family have considered Afrasiab to be the son of Sohrab, while others have introduced both of them as the children of Alexander. The findings of the research, based on various historical sources, reject the first narrative and confirm the brotherly relationship between these two figures. Additionally, considering that the Naqdi family is attributed to Sohrab Georgian and the Bahar and Tehrani families are descendants of Afrasiab Khan, it can be claimed that the roots of these three families can be traced directly to one of the sons of Erekle II, King of Georgia. This study was conducted using documentary and library sources and data.

Hajj holds significant importance in Islam as one of the pillars of Islamic Sharia, emphasized in the Holy Qur’an and the Sirah of the Infallible (as). The long history of Hajj, dating back to Prophet Ibrahim (as), and its ability to bring Muslims from all around the world to Mecca for special days and prayers, due to its interesting and assembling nature, provides a conducive environment for wide political activities. The engagement of the Holy Prophet of Islam (S) in political activities during the Hajj; inviting the people of Yathrib and other tribes to Islam before hijra, the Treaty of Peace of al-Ḥudaybiyah, Umrat al-Qaḍā’, Ḥijjat al- Bara’at,  Ḥijjat al-Wadāʿ (the Farewell Pilgrimage); sending troops to prevent the Umayyad rule over the Hajj and the Haramyan by ʾAmīr al-Muʾminīn; delivering a sermon in Mina in 58 AH, seeking refuge in Mecca, and leaving for Iraq in 60 AH by Sayyid al-Shuhadāʾ; confronting of Imām al-Sajjād and Imām al-Ṣādiq with the caliphs of their time; expressing enmity with Ahl al-Bayt (as) by Baramakids and cursing them by Imām Riḍā in Hajj; and the emergence of Imām al-‘Asr in Mecca are some of these activities. The article’s claim can be verified by the fact that the Alevi insurgents used the Hajj season to launch their uprisings, at least in those that the imams approved of. The analysis of these activities reveals the significance of the Hajj in the Sirah of the Infallible (as), as well as the greatest use of the Umrah and Hajj ceremonies for the political objectives of these honorable figures beside upholding this divine ritual’s spiritual and devotional elements. Using the analytical-narrative method, the author of this paper clarified the political activities of the Infallible (as) during the Hajj as an interdisciplinary topic in the history and Sirah of Islam. The remaining narratives in the narrative assemblies and historical accounts pertaining to the Sirah of the Infallible (as) serve as the research sources.

The current study is aimed at investigating the characteristics and components of political literature, precisely about the political novel from the perspective of Iranian writers. To be concise, achieving specific definitions and characteristics of the political novel or literature will assist researchers in this respect. In the research in question, various perspectives of Iranian critics and writers have been addressed in their works regarding the definitions and characteristics of the political novels or their related literature. Followed by that, their commonalities and differences have been identified through integrating inductive content analysis. As the results of the provided analysis provided, the characteristics of political literature or novels can be counted as; attention to issues of power and sovereignty, sensitivity and reaction to political events, attention to political issues (e.g., identity, civil rights, freedom, homeland, law, and political equality), opposition to tyranny of the rulers, criticizing the society's dominant ideologies and discourses, criticizing the status quo and the ruling power, as well as being eager to change it. Furthermore, focusing on anti-colonial struggles, condemnation of foreign interference, and the necessity for political independence, being ideological and influenced by specific political ideas and ideologies, denying some values and endorsing others, explaining clearly or criticizing political views and ideas, developing one "otherness" or the element of "other" , government or tradition; dealing with the lives of individuals and political figures, confirmation or providing support for political parties and the disagreements over them, discussing the political themes in terms of explicitness which can be overt or symbolic, and political literature or novels in terms of tone and style of expression can be counted as a number of other factors in this respect.

Modern Islamic civilization-building is a concept in contemporary times aimed at revitalizing Islamic civilization based on Islamic teachings. The Islamic Revolution of Iran can be seen as a practical step towards achieving this goal. One of the founders and intellectual pillars of this revolution is Ayatollah Beheshti. However, his ideas regarding modern Islamic civilization-building have yet to be thoroughly examined and analyzed. This study seeks to answer the question of how he, as a prominent political and religious figure, viewed modern Islamic civilization and what elements and characteristics his thoughts contained in relation to civilization-building.The research findings indicate that although Martyr Beheshti did not explicitly state opinions about civilization, there are meaningful connections between his thoughts and actions and the components of civilization-building, based on his surviving scholarly works and revolutionary activities. In the theoretical dimension, based on his philosophical studies, he advocated for a philosophical explanation of monotheistic politics and focused on the political thought of governance in Islam and its examples from the political aspect of modern Islamic civilization-building.In the jurisprudential dimension, Martyr Beheshti’s primary efforts were focused on the jurisprudential explanation of the principle of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist (Wilayat al-Faqih) as the ultimate theory of Shiite governance in the era of occultation. Practically, Martyr Beheshti was a pioneer of Islamic civilization-building from a political perspective during his lifetime, establishing civil institutions within the Islamic system and implementing Islamic political jurisprudence in society.

One Thousand and One Nights is a courtly, popular, educational, and imaginative book with many examples of sin and punishment. The motivation for creating stories is to escape from the death penalty; A lady tells Shahriar a story every night to save her life and other girls and postpones his punishment. The fear of death and punishment has cast a shadow on many stories, but it is so artistically placed in the heart of the stories that it is not noticeable.

This research is descriptive-analytical based on library studies. The research community has also done a two-volume translation of the book " One Thousand and One Nights " by Marashipour to examine the types of punishment in the stories of its two volumes.

In the stories of the book, we see many actions that deserve punishment. Such as treason, theft, false testimony, disbelief and atheism, misrepresentation, Conspiracy, and planned punishments, among others.

The punishment for treason is death, whether it is in an unconventional romantic relationship or, in court and social relationships. Issuing a sentence and executing it is at the command of the ruler, judge, and even incompetent people such as fathers, husbands, brothers, women, or supernatural beings, among which we can mention giants, demons, and talking animals. These creatures punish criminals with unconventional methods or transformations. Belief in divine punishment is seen in stories that have a stronger religious aspect. The role and wide presence of women in the process of stories and the formation of events is worthy of reflection. Due to the cultural differences that are rooted in the origin of the stories, there is no unity of procedure and the same approach in determining and implementing the punishment; Based on the text of the story and expediency, the punishments can be reduced. The lack of a fair trial, not giving the accused a chance to defend himself, the execution of sentences, and punishments that do not fit the crime are also seen in the stories.

As mentioned in the first part, there are ambiguities or disagreements regarding “the relationship between ethics and politics” not only among ordinary people, but also among experts and scholars. Here I will briefly refer to the existing views in this area and then explain their differences with the Islamic view. Three approaches are briefly outlined in this field: the “conceptual and substantive separation of ethics and politics” approach, which argues that there is a contrast between ethics and politics; “the existence of two types of ethical systems: Individual and Social" approach, which states that ethics should not be limited to individual or interpersonal relationships, and that the realm of government and politics should not be excluded from ethics; and the "the primacy of political interests in cases of shared ethics and politics" approach, which holds that some ethical matters are not within the realm of politics, and some managerial, executive, and political matters are not within the realm of ethics.

Folk literature, including oral stories and folk poetry, are open narratives that each narrator uses according to his or her own intent. This genre, however, for reasons such as its humiliating title, the simplicity of the images, the use of the language of the masses, and elitism Persian literature, has not received much attention. In the constitutional period, however, with the change of the paradigm, of course, it was considered for political purposes and appeared as a rival discourse against the thousand-year-old discourse of classical literature. Folk literature was a constantly neglected "other" voice that found an unexpected opportunity to be heard in the new discourse. One of the poets who used this capacity to advance his political and ideological goals is Ahmad Shamloo. After Nima and perhaps more than him, Shamloo is the most prominent poet who has brought the realm of poetry into the public area in various ways; without neglecting the noble aspect of poetry. This approach is of course the result of his theory of literature, which considers it a social duty and commitment to justice and awakening the masses of people and raising children against oppression and injustice; therefore, by using the special codes of the mass people and children's legends, whether in the form of folklore poetry based on folk tales and legends or slang words and even compiling an Ketab e Koocheh, he has attempted to consolidate this ideology. This study, with the approach of cultural studies, reflects on the two contradictory sides of his metaphorical use of language and folk poetry: 1. Deconstructing the elitist approach to literature through defamiliarization with folk poetry, 2. Shamloo's use of children's language and discourse in folk poetry, which implies the sameness of the mass and the child and the need to be guided and led by a saviour.

With the establishment of the Timurid government in the plateau of Iran and the approach of the Timurids to the role of court women in the political, cultural and social arenas, the position of these women underwent a transformation and these effects and the presence of court women can be seen in the paintings of this period. By drawing the faces of the ladies, he tries to show their social status in this age.The purpose of this article is to know the social status of court women in the Timurid period in the paintings on the walls of palaces and illustrated books. This research by collecting library materials in a descriptive and analytical method and extracting information from the paintings of this period, the social status and characteristics of He has drawn a cover and scenes from the life events of the women of the Timurid dynasty. The findings of the research show that painting in Iran during the Timurid period was prominent as an art and is one of the influential sources in historiography, and while it reflected the Iranian artistic spirit by recording the lives of the women of the Timurid dynasty, they were influential and influenced by politics. And the rule of Timurids and the introduction of social status and presenting an image of the dress and some court rituals, showed scenes of the events of the lives of the women of the Timurid dynasty.

Policy research is a type of problem-oriented research focusing on the concrete issues of society and governance, which, by observing the requirements of dealing with multidisciplinary issues in a fully normative context, seeks to present recommendations under the title "policy" to policymakers regarding concrete issues of society. In this type of research, policy researchers identify and solve problems using various approaches, the main one being the rational approach. This approach attempts to use rational cost-benefit methods to identify problems and propose solutions. The main issue is that if think tanks and researchers active in policy research and consequently in policymaking of the Islamic Republic of Iran want to use this approach in policy research and consequently in policymaking, they must use "religious rationality," which is completely aligned with revelation, rooted in religious foundations, and does not fall within the purely materialistic cost-benefit equation. Thus, the main question is: in policy research with the approach of religious rationality, how and at what stages will the various phases of policy research be influenced by religious foundations? This article attempts to answer this question by showing the stages of policy research. Neglecting how this influence occurs can result in proposed policies not being based on religious foundations and being considered a type of secular policymaking.

Spatiality is one of the most important problems of the urban planning system at any level. In this sense, space is the common source of any planning form. Since space is the context of distributing and redistributing many resources, it is always a field of conflict and contradictions. Therefore, urban planning as a knowledge of the management of space always seeks to resolve some conflicts that appear in the space. Considering such a definition of space and planning system, urban planning is more than ever considered a regulatory rationality.

The present research has analyzed spatial relations and economic and political relations through theoretical explanations and systematic analysis. Obviously, according to the requirements of discourse analysis, some discourse concepts and strategies that lead to regulation in space are analyzed.

The dominant discourse always seeks to stabilize the situation, referred to as the status quo. Against such an encounter, critical reading shows that the concept of space is a social and political construct that is more than ever linked to different aspects of regulation. Understanding the regulatory relationships in space by clarifying the spatialization of policies at different levels can help produce a more justice space.

To create justice spatial relationships in the field of policy-making, planning, and management, it is necessary to move from the form-centered reductionist reading of the concept of space to a constructionist reading. It is in such an understanding of space that it is finally possible to resolve some spatial contradictions and conflicts.Innovation: Formulating spatial relations from the perspective of economic and political discourse can provide grounds for discourse creation in the policy field to achieve justice in the production of space.

What and the nature of the military-industrial complex, how they are formed and internationalized, the relationship between the military-industrial complex and the surrounding crises in the resurgence of the military-industrial complex and its impact on Trump's security policies between 2016 and 2020 are things that They are discussed in the present article. The main question is, what role did military-industrial complexes play in Trump's security policies between 2016 and 2020? The hypothesis of this research, which is descriptive-analytical based on a systematic review method with the analysis of Trump's behavior based on the approach of security theories, shows that military-industrial complexes as an identity-giving and legitimizing element of strategic and security policies has pushed Trump towards non-participatory unilateralism between 2016 and 2020. The data of this research shows that the main ground for the formation of military-industrial complexes is "security fear" or the belief in military security vulnerability. In other words, the main reason for the formation of these complexes is the response to surrounding security challenges.

Correct analysis of developments and recognition of social phenomena always guarantees the survival and continuity of society. This has led divine prophets, social reformers and thinkers to draw a desirable sociological model for analyzing the changes in society. Undoubtedly, every model has requirements and coordinates that the purpose of this paper, by adhering to the descriptive and analytical method, is to outline the requirements of the analytical model of balanced sociology for analyzing the political developments of the Islamic Republic, in the opinion of the Supreme Leader, the most important of which are: Knowing the social identity of man, knowing the historical identity of the society, knowing the meaning and value system governing the society, knowing the indigenous coordinates of the society, knowing the subject and appropriate methodology and paradigmatic attitude to the issues.

If we consider Kitāb al-Millah as the basis of Al-Fārābī's other civil and political views, we have made a correct claim. By authoring this treatise, Abu Nasr Al-Fārābī has presented his civil wisdom and political philosophy and has placed the root of his content in it. By reflecting on the content of this treatise, it can be divided into two sections. In the first section, Al-Fārābī discussed about issues that are the foundation of the second section, i.e. civil philosophy, and in the second section, which we seek to understand its content in a descriptive and analytical way in this paper, he discussed some issues that those issues, has formed civil philosophy. By reflecting and investigating in the second section of Kitāb al-Millah, it will be understood that Al-Fārābī spoke of two studies. One is the study of happiness and the other is the study of politics, and in general, these two matters constitute the issues of civil philosophy.In doing so, the purpose of the study will be the analysis of the second section of this treatise, under which Al-Fārābī's civil theory will be accessible. In other phrases, the question of this study is how the topics mentioned in the second part of Kitāb al-Millah have caused the creation of a civil theory?

It is rare to find a poet who is indifferent to the issues around him, especially the social and political issues of his lifetime, because the idealism of poets is a strong motivation and driving force that leads them to criticize the existing situation and wish for a better situation. . This sensitivity towards the society and its issues is not unique to Persian literature, and in the poetry and literature of other societies, including Arab countries, social themes have been more prominent in contemporary literary works. In this article, a comparative study of social themes in the poems of Shahriar and Ahmad Matar (Iraqi poet) is discussed. The type of research is library and documentary and its method is analytical and based on adaptation. The social themes examined in this research are the image of rulers and criticism of tyrannical rulers, scandalizing sultans due to the incompetence of comparing tyrannical rulers to animals, anti-tyranny and calling for rebellion and revolution, etc. After examining the above themes We have come to the conclusion that both poets have been sensitive to the problems that have plagued the society and have taken positions on these issues in their poems. Both poets have the necessary courage to express social and political criticisms and do not shy away from any power in this direction, but Ahmad Matar's language is sharper and more frank than Shahriar's. Among the differences in the two poets' approaches to social issues

In this article, we will discuss the different methods and approaches in teaching interpretation and Quranic sciences at the scientific seminary in Qom over the past century. In addition to the analysis and historical study of the subject, we also point out the new approaches and their gradual integration. After the revival of the scientific seminary in Qom about 80 years ago, the interpretation of the Holy Quran was revived by the prominent scholar Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabatabai, leading to the writing of the book "Tafsir al-Mizan" and the training of contemporary interpreters, as well as the writing of many books and interpretive collections. Furthermore, for nearly fifty years, with the teachings of Ayatollah Mohammad Hadi Ma'rifat, Quranic sciences flourished in the seminary of Qom, resulting in the writing of the book "Introduction to Quranic Sciences" and the education of contemporary scholars in Quranic sciences, along with the writing of many books in this field. Additionally, besides all these matters, various other areas of Quranic sciences such as recitation and memorization were individually pursued by individuals themselves. However, after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 (1357 AH), the traditional teaching of Quranic interpretation and its sciences gradually changed. In the scientific seminary in Qom, courses in Quranic interpretation and its sciences were gradually included as side courses for students. Special centers were then established for interpreting and memorizing the Holy Quran, with their teaching taking on a structured form. As this growing process continued, new branches and fields emerged in the field of Quranic sciences, greatly impacting the teaching and writing of Quranic books. Continuing this growing movement, interdisciplinary studies between the Quran and other sciences, orientalists, semantic and semiotic subjects, interpretation, and the language of the Quran proliferated. New lessons, branches, and centers were established in this field where teaching methods and interdisciplinary research were explored, resulting in the writing of many valuable specialized interpretive collections in the scientific seminary of Qom.