جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "politics" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

The current study is aimed at investigating the characteristics and components of political literature, precisely about the political novel from the perspective of Iranian writers. To be concise, achieving specific definitions and characteristics of the political novel or literature will assist researchers in this respect. In the research in question, various perspectives of Iranian critics and writers have been addressed in their works regarding the definitions and characteristics of the political novels or their related literature. Followed by that, their commonalities and differences have been identified through integrating inductive content analysis. As the results of the provided analysis provided, the characteristics of political literature or novels can be counted as; attention to issues of power and sovereignty, sensitivity and reaction to political events, attention to political issues (e.g., identity, civil rights, freedom, homeland, law, and political equality), opposition to tyranny of the rulers, criticizing the society's dominant ideologies and discourses, criticizing the status quo and the ruling power, as well as being eager to change it. Furthermore, focusing on anti-colonial struggles, condemnation of foreign interference, and the necessity for political independence, being ideological and influenced by specific political ideas and ideologies, denying some values and endorsing others, explaining clearly or criticizing political views and ideas, developing one "otherness" or the element of "other" , government or tradition; dealing with the lives of individuals and political figures, confirmation or providing support for political parties and the disagreements over them, discussing the political themes in terms of explicitness which can be overt or symbolic, and political literature or novels in terms of tone and style of expression can be counted as a number of other factors in this respect.

As mentioned in the first part, there are ambiguities or disagreements regarding “the relationship between ethics and politics” not only among ordinary people, but also among experts and scholars. Here I will briefly refer to the existing views in this area and then explain their differences with the Islamic view. Three approaches are briefly outlined in this field: the “conceptual and substantive separation of ethics and politics” approach, which argues that there is a contrast between ethics and politics; “the existence of two types of ethical systems: Individual and Social" approach, which states that ethics should not be limited to individual or interpersonal relationships, and that the realm of government and politics should not be excluded from ethics; and the "the primacy of political interests in cases of shared ethics and politics" approach, which holds that some ethical matters are not within the realm of politics, and some managerial, executive, and political matters are not within the realm of ethics.

With the establishment of the Timurid government in the plateau of Iran and the approach of the Timurids to the role of court women in the political, cultural and social arenas, the position of these women underwent a transformation and these effects and the presence of court women can be seen in the paintings of this period. By drawing the faces of the ladies, he tries to show their social status in this age.The purpose of this article is to know the social status of court women in the Timurid period in the paintings on the walls of palaces and illustrated books. This research by collecting library materials in a descriptive and analytical method and extracting information from the paintings of this period, the social status and characteristics of He has drawn a cover and scenes from the life events of the women of the Timurid dynasty. The findings of the research show that painting in Iran during the Timurid period was prominent as an art and is one of the influential sources in historiography, and while it reflected the Iranian artistic spirit by recording the lives of the women of the Timurid dynasty, they were influential and influenced by politics. And the rule of Timurids and the introduction of social status and presenting an image of the dress and some court rituals, showed scenes of the events of the lives of the women of the Timurid dynasty.

Policy research is a type of problem-oriented research focusing on the concrete issues of society and governance, which, by observing the requirements of dealing with multidisciplinary issues in a fully normative context, seeks to present recommendations under the title "policy" to policymakers regarding concrete issues of society. In this type of research, policy researchers identify and solve problems using various approaches, the main one being the rational approach. This approach attempts to use rational cost-benefit methods to identify problems and propose solutions. The main issue is that if think tanks and researchers active in policy research and consequently in policymaking of the Islamic Republic of Iran want to use this approach in policy research and consequently in policymaking, they must use "religious rationality," which is completely aligned with revelation, rooted in religious foundations, and does not fall within the purely materialistic cost-benefit equation. Thus, the main question is: in policy research with the approach of religious rationality, how and at what stages will the various phases of policy research be influenced by religious foundations? This article attempts to answer this question by showing the stages of policy research. Neglecting how this influence occurs can result in proposed policies not being based on religious foundations and being considered a type of secular policymaking.

Spatiality is one of the most important problems of the urban planning system at any level. In this sense, space is the common source of any planning form. Since space is the context of distributing and redistributing many resources, it is always a field of conflict and contradictions. Therefore, urban planning as a knowledge of the management of space always seeks to resolve some conflicts that appear in the space. Considering such a definition of space and planning system, urban planning is more than ever considered a regulatory rationality.

The present research has analyzed spatial relations and economic and political relations through theoretical explanations and systematic analysis. Obviously, according to the requirements of discourse analysis, some discourse concepts and strategies that lead to regulation in space are analyzed.

The dominant discourse always seeks to stabilize the situation, referred to as the status quo. Against such an encounter, critical reading shows that the concept of space is a social and political construct that is more than ever linked to different aspects of regulation. Understanding the regulatory relationships in space by clarifying the spatialization of policies at different levels can help produce a more justice space.

To create justice spatial relationships in the field of policy-making, planning, and management, it is necessary to move from the form-centered reductionist reading of the concept of space to a constructionist reading. It is in such an understanding of space that it is finally possible to resolve some spatial contradictions and conflicts.Innovation: Formulating spatial relations from the perspective of economic and political discourse can provide grounds for discourse creation in the policy field to achieve justice in the production of space.

What and the nature of the military-industrial complex, how they are formed and internationalized, the relationship between the military-industrial complex and the surrounding crises in the resurgence of the military-industrial complex and its impact on Trump's security policies between 2016 and 2020 are things that They are discussed in the present article. The main question is, what role did military-industrial complexes play in Trump's security policies between 2016 and 2020? The hypothesis of this research, which is descriptive-analytical based on a systematic review method with the analysis of Trump's behavior based on the approach of security theories, shows that military-industrial complexes as an identity-giving and legitimizing element of strategic and security policies has pushed Trump towards non-participatory unilateralism between 2016 and 2020. The data of this research shows that the main ground for the formation of military-industrial complexes is "security fear" or the belief in military security vulnerability. In other words, the main reason for the formation of these complexes is the response to surrounding security challenges.

Correct analysis of developments and recognition of social phenomena always guarantees the survival and continuity of society. This has led divine prophets, social reformers and thinkers to draw a desirable sociological model for analyzing the changes in society. Undoubtedly, every model has requirements and coordinates that the purpose of this paper, by adhering to the descriptive and analytical method, is to outline the requirements of the analytical model of balanced sociology for analyzing the political developments of the Islamic Republic, in the opinion of the Supreme Leader, the most important of which are: Knowing the social identity of man, knowing the historical identity of the society, knowing the meaning and value system governing the society, knowing the indigenous coordinates of the society, knowing the subject and appropriate methodology and paradigmatic attitude to the issues.

If we consider Kitāb al-Millah as the basis of Al-Fārābī's other civil and political views, we have made a correct claim. By authoring this treatise, Abu Nasr Al-Fārābī has presented his civil wisdom and political philosophy and has placed the root of his content in it. By reflecting on the content of this treatise, it can be divided into two sections. In the first section, Al-Fārābī discussed about issues that are the foundation of the second section, i.e. civil philosophy, and in the second section, which we seek to understand its content in a descriptive and analytical way in this paper, he discussed some issues that those issues, has formed civil philosophy. By reflecting and investigating in the second section of Kitāb al-Millah, it will be understood that Al-Fārābī spoke of two studies. One is the study of happiness and the other is the study of politics, and in general, these two matters constitute the issues of civil philosophy.In doing so, the purpose of the study will be the analysis of the second section of this treatise, under which Al-Fārābī's civil theory will be accessible. In other phrases, the question of this study is how the topics mentioned in the second part of Kitāb al-Millah have caused the creation of a civil theory?

In this article, we will discuss the different methods and approaches in teaching interpretation and Quranic sciences at the scientific seminary in Qom over the past century. In addition to the analysis and historical study of the subject, we also point out the new approaches and their gradual integration. After the revival of the scientific seminary in Qom about 80 years ago, the interpretation of the Holy Quran was revived by the prominent scholar Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabatabai, leading to the writing of the book "Tafsir al-Mizan" and the training of contemporary interpreters, as well as the writing of many books and interpretive collections. Furthermore, for nearly fifty years, with the teachings of Ayatollah Mohammad Hadi Ma'rifat, Quranic sciences flourished in the seminary of Qom, resulting in the writing of the book "Introduction to Quranic Sciences" and the education of contemporary scholars in Quranic sciences, along with the writing of many books in this field. Additionally, besides all these matters, various other areas of Quranic sciences such as recitation and memorization were individually pursued by individuals themselves. However, after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 (1357 AH), the traditional teaching of Quranic interpretation and its sciences gradually changed. In the scientific seminary in Qom, courses in Quranic interpretation and its sciences were gradually included as side courses for students. Special centers were then established for interpreting and memorizing the Holy Quran, with their teaching taking on a structured form. As this growing process continued, new branches and fields emerged in the field of Quranic sciences, greatly impacting the teaching and writing of Quranic books. Continuing this growing movement, interdisciplinary studies between the Quran and other sciences, orientalists, semantic and semiotic subjects, interpretation, and the language of the Quran proliferated. New lessons, branches, and centers were established in this field where teaching methods and interdisciplinary research were explored, resulting in the writing of many valuable specialized interpretive collections in the scientific seminary of Qom.

For a long time, facing audiences with different ideologies, there is a need to master language skills, which should be crystallized in the form of communication strategies, so that the resistance and rebelliousness of the audience turns into obedience and persuasion. Therefore, language is a tool that, in addition to the capability of communicating and creating beauty, seeks to persuade and surprise the audience with an argumentative and protest mechanism. Persuasion is the purposeful language trick with communication mechanisms and strategies to organize specific behavior in discourse making. Therefore, the discourse maker tries to change the attitude and behavior of others by using linguistic strategies as one of the key components of soft power, and achieve specific goals by choosing diverse communication patterns and codified verbal styles.In this study, an attempt has been made to investigate and analyze the salient dimensions of the Prophet's rhetorical ability with a novel style through qualitative studies using a descriptive-analytical method, and to explain the hegemonic use of the Prophet's political language with regard to the context of the situation in which the existing political crises and social problems provide valuable and unique help. The Prophet (PBUH) has faced many challenges in deconstructing people's beliefs and habits. For this reason, he uses various strategies to persuade and guide the audience, one of the most important of which is affecting the audience. In contemporary linguistics, the applied dimension of language has a wide scope, and its argumentative aspect is considered a basic condition in discourse creation. Paying attention to the issue of what linguistic strategies the speaker chooses to attract and persuade the audience is one of the most basic strategies of applied linguistics and one of the important goals of this research. Since the sermon is one of the most prominent communication channels of the Prophet (PBUH) or others, it is full of arguments that are expressed with political, social, and cultural approaches. Due to the wide range of language strategies, this descriptive-analytical research with emphasis on library resources, in addition to expressing the beauty-creating and visual aspects of language, discussed its lexical, rhetorical, original ability, and logical analogy and examined its persuasive function in political and social fields. Although explaining the completeness of the linguistic and miraculous personality of the Prophet (PBUH) with human knowledge and human understanding is incomplete, it is considered to be the only progressive way to match his words and deeds.The present research seeks to answer the following three research questions:What language mechanisms did the Prophet (PBUH) use to persuade the audience?How is the course of political persuasion of the Prophet (PBUH) affected by the capacity of rhetorical language?How does the Prophet (PBUH) use textual similarities to persuade in transnational communication?The results showed that considering the importance of persuasion and its impact on the audience, the Prophet (PBUH) used this art of communication more than other communication strategies in political speeches and discourses, because it has more acceptance and public favor, and its communication methods are internal. In addition, it has close contact with the conscience and nature of the audience, and its result will not be accompanied by doubts. The strategy of persuasion was designed as a pre-written and managed process in the political discourses of the Prophet (PBUH) to achieve a policy and control the situation. In addition, it was used as a specific way to solve political problems.As a master of language, the Prophet (PBUH) optimally used linguistic tools and communication arts, rhetoric, and logic for persuasion to propagate religion and explain the political mission, in order to provide guidance and direction to the audience. Therefore, today politicians come to the conclusion that in order to persuade in the political and cultural arenas, one should take advantage of the language ability according to the interests of the audience.The most important strategy of Islam is to observe the principle of moderation in politics. Therefore, in the persuasive argument, in addition to his rhetorical ability that targets the emotions and feelings of the audience, the Prophet (PBUH) used his intertextuality politically and logically to provide the ground for awakening the thoughts of specific audiences. By adopting special communication strategies such as the art of persuasion, the Prophet (PBUH) succeeded in solving the social, political, and cultural knots of the target society.The approach of the communication mechanisms of the Prophet (PBUH) is to express clearly and simply. However, according to the context of the situation, he uses suggestive expressions in the form of metaphor, irony, and simile in political discourses.

In this research, it has been tried with an aesthetic approach to investigate the social mysticism of the spiritual masnavi of Molavi, Ba A new look and using a descriptive analytical method. Social mysticism is a mysticism from the beginning to The end has specific social strains and in the final stage of the procession, that is, in the fourth journey of the four journeys, which It is a social and mystical nature, the mission of guidance, education and social management in different dimensions It assumes existential and objective requirements. Therefore, in this research, Molavi's views on political approaches and social has been analyzed on an aesthetic basis. Besides being a source of rich insights, the spiritual masnavi and mystical and political thoughts with poetic language and presenting informative stories, social and political thoughts It conveys beautifully to the audience. Molavi by maintaining his position and using aesthetic components in The field of language and expression, images and symbols, form and structure, allegory, themes and music of the word, as a social reformer. The institution addresses the political governance of the society and in order to better promote the affairs of society and the mass of people. Encourages and warns. In fact, Maulvi tries to introduce principles and issues in his teaching system, with artistic action spread Islamic mysticism in the social lifestyle rather than a monotheistic tendency on society and governance, in the direction of reform Affairs, towards moral and spiritual life, and establishment of social justice through planning and organizing it.

Today, one of the main concerns of experts and people, due to the speed of technological progress and its availability, is the consequences of the expansion of artificial intelligence in the social-political fields. The experience of the last decade, which coincided with the emergence of social networks and virtual platforms, shows that as much as the developments in the field of technology and media, political-social developments and transformations are also accelerated and affected by them. So that between the holding of one election and the next, the political and social environment has completely changed, and the need to recognize the factors and variables affecting it is felt. In the upcoming research, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library sources, documents and valid surveys, the effects of artificial intelligence in the political-social arena have been analyzed. It has also been tried to provide a conceptual tool for studying artificial intelligence in a complex multi-level environment. Evaluating and determining the strengths and weaknesses of this process is different by considering the specific political and social attitudes of each society; But what is certain is that the application and speed of spreading these tools has made the world of politics and social life more complicated than in the past, coupled with uncertainty and facing a vague outlook.

The condition of man and his utopia in schools of thought have been accompanied by various descriptions and then different prescriptions. It can be said that "Hayat-e-tayebeh" is the most important imaginary inspired by the Holy Qur'an about happiness and good situation  .The preliminary review of the research background shows the use of different narrative and rational approaches in these studies. For a deep analysis of Hayat-e-tayebeh, it is necessary to study this diverse range. This article, with the aim of  Qualitative meta-analysis of political researches related to Hayat-e-tayebeh from 2011 to 2021, investigates and explains the strengths and weaknesses of these studies. These researches are examined at three theoretical, methodological and consequential levels based on the meta-analysis method. The main goal of this research is the diagnostic study of the state of scientific production of these articles and the summation and synthesis of these researches with a political approach to achieve a relatively more comprehensive picture. Predominance of narrative (historical) method, generalization, abstractness and lack of diversity in the research method have been the main shortcomings of political studies of this concept. Also, most of the articles were related to the question of what is Hayat-e-tayebeh, and the question of how it is, was less raised; Therefore, these researches are mostly at the level of theory testing and do not enter into theorizing. Based on the findings, it is possible to present a semantic structure based on three pillars of individual, social and political of Hayat-e-tayebeh.  This semantic structure is a simplified plan that defines the basic lines of an abstract set and the relationships between them; This plan goes beyond the level of thought and abstraction and to some extent enters the field of principles and practical values.

This article seeks the possibility of governance development by resorting to the concept of "Al Faragh Zone" in order to analyze the scope of connection between religion and politics in public policy making. "Al Faragh Zone" is the area where public policies flow and produce a specific logic for social communication and interactions. Acceptance of "Al-Faragh Zone" means accepting the flow of this logic on public policies. This logic makes collective action and social cooperation possible regardless of Islamic values, although it is generally possible to extend these values to its own domain. Using the literature that has been produced about collective action, this article argues that the neglect of the logic built in human communication has caused public policies in Iran to tend towards a trend that is unrevised from the theory of "Religion Continuity". and politics" to use and/or abuse these relationships and these policies. In practice, this phenomenon has caused "Al-Faragh area" to become an area for non-professional expansion of "religion and politics" into the public domain. "Continuity of religion and politics" has provided a superficial cover for the justification of policies, while basically it has another function for the legitimacy of the government and not the legitimacy of micro-level policies. The operational separation of the field of the "religion and politics" theory from the al-Faragh area expands the government's involvement in public policy-making and the scope of participatory governance, freedom and public responsibility in public policies.

Since the Enlightenment, Western academia has consistently adopted a critical stance towards the role of religion in theoretical and practical politics, often marginalizing religion from scientific and major decision-making arenas. Consequently, Orientalists, when analyzing Islamic sources, particularly the Holy Quran, have raised several significant criticisms, including: 1. The purported absence of a governance model within the Quran; 2. The Quran’s alleged dependence on previous, ineffective models; 3. The perceived temporal limitations of the Quran’s political rulings; 4. The view that the Quran’s political approach is idealistic and impractical; 5. The assertion that the Quran’s political model represents an unsuccessful experiment. Given the importance of this discourse and its impact on contemporary Muslim intellectuals, this paper employs library research and a descriptive-analytical methodology to review and assess these theories. The findings of the research demonstrate that, in light of numerous Quranic references to political and governance issues, the Quran’s validity as an independent divine revelation, the enduring relevance of its rulings, the practicality and enforceability of its political directives and the existence of successful governance models based on the Quran throughout Islamic history, none of the aforementioned criticisms holds. Therefore, the foundational principles of religious governance derived from the Quran, as a superior political framework, merit serious consideration in contemporary contexts.

Secularism and religion are two opposing phenomena, both of which discuss the role of religion in society and governance. Secularism means the separation of religion from politics and government, and jurisprudence, as a branch of religious sciences, deals with the interpretation and adaptation of religious rulings to different times, places, and conditions in order to implement democracy in the society while being religious. In fact, Islam is a religion that emphasizes belief in God and following his teachings and commands, and monotheism, prophecy, the book, resurrection, and law are the foundations of this heavenly religion. Islamic jurisprudence helps in understanding and deriving Sharia rules and investigates religious rules and regulations in various social, political and cultural fields of daily life of Muslims. And in this direction, he takes help from four main sources, namely the book (Qur'an), tradition, Consensus and Reason. The jurists discuss the abilities and capabilities of this knowledge to respond to the needs and Sharia issues of the society. The upcoming research examines the capabilities of jurisprudence in confrontation with secularism by using library sources and documents and with a descriptive-analytical method. The results of the investigations show that the science of jurisprudence has the ability to apply Sharia rulings to real conditions and can extract the relevant rulings from Islamic sources and provide appropriate arguments to solve Sharia issues and be a good solution for social issues and opposition to secularism. And there is no democracy or progress.

Since the religion of Islam has two dimensions (material and spiritual), it cannot be indifferent in explaining the principles and general principles of education. Political education is one of the important topics of human thought, because the existence of a community and being part of it is definitely associated with the acceptance of order and a series of special rules, which require more research on how to formulate and determine them. The research is a study of educational-political life and educational strategies of Imam Ali (as) in Nahj al-Balāghah. Nahj al-Balāghah expresses the state and precious words of Imam Ali (as), it is full of content, which shows the fusion of education and politics, and its obvious manifestation is in the personality and practical course of its pious owner (as). that he did not fall short in the smallest issue of leadership and used political training as a tool to achieve the goals of the religion of Islamic rules, which need more research on how to formulate. Imam Ali (as) deeply believes in the connection between the two fields of religion and politics; because politics is as a means to realize the lofty goals of religion. The words of Imam Ali (as) throughout Nahj al-Balāghah indicate that he based his government's main policy on political and moral education, and saw sovereignty not as domination but as responsibility and divine trust.

This article examines Sara Salar's novel "Probably Lost" using Lucien Goldmann's formative constructivist approach, and attempts to analyze the political and social structures that govern the author's mental space and society. The present study will try to show the social atmosphere of the author's world by documenting, analyzing and criticizing the text along with evidence to express how the political, social and cultural structures of Iranian society have influenced the formation of the author's mental structures and the emergence of this novel. And what is the connection between the structures of society and the structures of the novel? A careful study of the components considered in this novel revealed that this novel is a completely social work and the product of the author's mentality and ideological thinking in which, while examining the social and cultural developments of the society of his time, a reflection of social and governing realities. In this novel, which is the result of the actions of the contemporary generation and their concerns, the author depicts the problems and issues of women in life, the patriarchal atmosphere, the lack of identity of women, etc., by choosing the life of a married woman. Kills and shows that the narrator has lost his story and walks everywhere looking for his lost part. Sara Salar considering one of the social themes; That is, feminine identity and patriarchal atmosphere, has shown the structure of the society of a period in Iran.