جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « foreign relations » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

The history of the Pahlavi era is the transition period of Iran from the semi-colonial era to the neo-colonial era and dependence on the imperialist powers. The present research has studied Iran's foreign relations in the first Pahlavi period based on the theory of "dependency". In the circle of competition between the two top powers of that period (that is, Russia and England), Reza Shah practically turned into a dependent agent and lacked will. In the framework of this competition, he was the executor of the policies of the colonialists who sought their interests in the dependence of the Iranian government on them. Based on the "dependency" method, the current research has sought to examine the main problem of the research, i.e. the functioning of Iran's foreign relations during the first Pahlavi era. Based on the findings of this research, Reza Shah's love and fascination for Western culture and civilization led him to blindly imitate Western culture and try to implement that incongruous culture in the Islamic society of Iran. At the same time, his fear and concern about the western conspiracy against his government, made him to obey the foreigners more, which trapped Iran in the complex circuit of dependence in various dimensions.

With the issuance of the United Nations resolution in 1948/1327 AD regarding the partition of Palestine, the formation of the state of Israel became official. In Iran, this issue was opposed by the religious community. After the coup d'état on August 28, 1332, with the strengthening of the government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the government's policy towards Israel took a turn and found a friendly but hidden direction. The representatives of the 24th-15th periods of the National Assembly followed the relations between Iran and Israel on various occasions and commented on the relations and events related to Israel according to the government's policy. Therefore, the main question of the article is, what was the reaction of the representatives of the National Council to the formation of the Israeli government and Iran's relations with Israel? Therefore, this research aims to evaluate the general positions of the representatives of the National Council regarding Israel during the years 1326-1357, relying on the details of the parliament's deliberations. The findings of the research indicate that parliamentarians were influenced by the dominant discourse in Iran's political environment, and the strong and radical positions of parliamentarians of the 15th term (at the beginning of the formation of the Israeli government) gradually subsided and aligned with the positions of the Iranian government. And the Shah limited himself to criticizing Israel to the extent of the general position of the United Nations regarding the withdrawal of Israel from the occupied territories after the 1967 war.

One of the topics that attracts attention during the seventy-year history of establishing official relations between Iran and Canada (since 1956/1335) is the role of the book and its related issues in the relations between the two countries. According to the available documents, sending books from Iran to Canada by the government institutions and writing books about Iran (in Canada) with the cooperation and support of the Iranian government are the most important symbols of the connection between the two countries.  In this article, the role of the book in the framework of the official relations of the two countries from 1339 to 1357, has been investigated by using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on archival documents. The findings show that in this relatively short period, attention to the book on the political-cultural relations of the two countries has had significant importance and an expanding trend. In these publications, the history and culture of Iran have been written and published, and familiarity with Iran and the Persian language has expanded in Canada.

The biography of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) is a Shariah proof for us Muslims in all dimensions. One of the dimensions of the life of the Prophet (PBUH) is foreign relations in his government. The purpose of this article is to examine the principles governing on foreign relations in the government of the Prophet (PBUH) and to know how it is. The question is, what principles were foreign relations based on during the Prophet's rule? To answer the above question, the biography of the Prophet (PBUH) was investigated in this context with a descriptive-analytical method and with a historical approach, and the following results were obtained. Foreign relations in prophetic rule were based on principles such as; Monotheism and God-centeredness, exclusive sovereignty for God, the universality of the religion of Islam and the mission of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), the supremacy of Islam and the negation of the infidels' rule and the negation of their dominion over the believers, the establishment of communication and non-aggression pact with those who don't want to fight with Muslims and don't want the negation of Islam, faithfulness to covenants, seeking justice, Islamic da'wah and jihad. These principles are inferred from the life of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and from the Holy Qur'an, which is the source of the Prophet's life. On the basis of these principles and by preserving the dignity and expediency of the Muslims, the Prophet (PBUH) took the Islamic invitation and during his lifetime spread Islam throughout the Arabian Peninsula and laid the groundwork for its expansion to other parts of the world.

The Safavid period is undoubtedly one of the most important periods in the history of Iran in terms of foreign relations. Shah Ismail, the founder of the Safavid dynasty, bordered on the Mamluk government following the suppression of the sectarian monarchs and the remnants of the Aq Quyunlus in western Iran. It was a large but declining state based in Egypt, the Levant, and the Hejaz, whose rule was threatened first by the Portuguese and then by the Ottomans and Safavids. Safavid relations with the Mamluks due to Shah Ismail's territorial expansion in the Levant, were at first hostile and accompanied by border clashes, then due to the hostility of the Ottoman government to them, their relations have improved and changed. This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and using library data, seeks to answer the question of how and for what reason Shah Ismail Safavid had relations with the Mamluks? The findings showed that King Ismail's relations with the Mamluks had been in two stages for fourteen years. Their relations began at first hostile, but with the rise of Sultan Salim to power in the Ottoman Empire and his aggressive approach to them, their relations became friendly and led to a military alliance between the two sides.

This article uses gift-giving practices in early nineteenth-century Iran as a window onto statecraft, governance, and center-periphery relations in the early Qajar state (1785–1925). It first demonstrates that gifts have a long history in the administrative and political history of Iran, the Persianate world, and broader Eurasia, before highlighting specific features found in Iran. The article argues that the pīshkish, a tributary gift-giving ceremony, constituted a central role in the political culture and economy of Qajar Iran, and was part of the process of presenting Qajar rule as a continuation of previous Iranian royal dynasties. Nevertheless, pīshkish ceremonies also illustrated the challenges Qajar rulers faced in exerting power in the provinces and winning the loyalty of provincial elites. Qajar statesmen viewed gifts and bribes, at least at a discursive level, in different terms, with the former clearly understood as an acceptable practice. Gifts and honors, like the khil‘at, presented to society were part of Qajar rulers’ strategy of presenting themselves as just and legitimate. Finally, the article considers the use of gifts to influence diplomacy and ease relations between Iranians and foreign envoys, as well as the ways in which an inadequate gift could cause offense.

According to history, the second Pahlavi period in the contemporary history of Iran has been one of the most eventful periods in which many individuals and personalities with different functions have played a role in political and historical events. Ms. Lambton, a graduate of Oriental Studies at the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom, was one of the most influential figures in shaping British policy toward Iran between 1320-1332. Her reports to her government over the years show a clear picture of British policy in the Middle East and Iran. The purpose of this study is to review the political role of Ms. Lambton in the contemporary history of Iran by reviewing articles and library resources and with a descriptive-analytical approach. The fact is that Ms. Lambton, as a thinker and aware politician about Iranian culture, during her years of mission, with her conscious behavior, has been an active member for the British to achieve their ambitions and British colonialism did not neglect from any interventionist action to protect its interests in competition with the German government