جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ghaznavids » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

About forty of the 146 years of Saffarid dynasty is related to the period of formation and the peak of this dynasty. The rest of the life of this government was spent in the form of a local government. However, the successors of the Saffarids did not shy away from the political plans of the founders of this government. Following the death of Amr ibn al-Layth, although the Saffarids are believed to have no longer challenged the Abbasid caliphate in this part of their reign as a local government, scattered reports of sources as well as coins found show that the successors of the Saffarids (287-339 AH) did not always follow the procedure of full obedience of the caliphate in practice.The aim of this study is to identify the conflicts and overlaps in the reports of historiographical sources in comparison with the results of the study of coins minted by this family in relations with the Abbasid Caliphate. The Abbasid Caliphate did not sympathize with the Saffarids, and the Saffarids' attempt to gain lasting political legitimacy from the Caliphate was unsuccessful. The results of this study showed that the study of coins can fill the gap of historical reports. By examining the coins, it was possible to provide a relatively clearer picture of historical events based on the Saffarids' relations with the Abbasid Caliphate.

Elephants’ use dates back to ancient times. As one the after-Islamic dynasties Ghaznavid could take advantage of this animal as one of the pillars of their militarism in the extraterritorial and intra-territorial battles due to their numerous army deployments along the Indian borders. The present study aimed to investigate the militaristic properties of the war elephant in Ghaznavids’ army through a descriptive-analytical method. The elaboration and explication of the position and function of elephant in Ghaznavids’ army deployment is the most important issue of this article. The question is “which of this animal’s militaristic properties were employed by Ghaznavid army and what have been the strengths and weaknesses of using them in the army deployments?”The present study’s findings indicated that the creation of terror and dread, disintegration of the enemy’s army lines, treading of the soldiers, supporting friendlies, carriage of weapons and troopers and destruction of the enemy army’s fortifications have been the most important strengths of this animal. Being hit by an arrow, damage to the trunk and stampeding have been amongst the most distinct weaknesses of this animal in the course of the combats. It has been so that the supply of food and water, taking care and even providing a shelter for them have been amongst the most substantial problems for elephant-keeping.

From pre-Islamic times to the end of the fourth century AH, the political community of the eastern plateau of Iran, especially Khorasan and Transoxiana, consisted of local governments. These local governments were independent in managing their internal affairs. In the fourth century AH, the Samanid society suffered from internal security crises (tensions and conflicts between social groups) and external crises (attacks by Turkmen forces, especially the Karakhanids) due to the changing value patterns and high sectarianism. In this situation, by weakening the voluntary aspects of social order, the political dimension of order (force) was inevitably created with the help of military institutions and led to the transformation of the power structure and the transition from the Samanids to the Ghaznavid military government. In this regard, Ghaznavid law enforcement and military institutions, based on their organizational nature, tried to exercise direct and comprehensive control over Khorasan and neighboring lands by eliminating local governments and applying repression and establishing a security environment. In other words, the goal of Ghaznavid centralism was to use all available capabilities in society to deal with increasing security crises. This article examines the security situation in the Samani-Ghaznavid community and shows why the security crisis led to the removal of local governments in the region and what were the consequences for society. The method of this qualitative research is library study with the approach of contextual analysis.

Although Iran land was attacked by various nations in some periods, these reasons did not result in cultural discontinuity and this land was able to keep its cultural identity during eras and centuries. One reason for such claim is found in literature texts and works of the great poets of this land in different historical periods and times. The reigns of Samanids and Ghaznavids in Iran were accounted among the brilliant periods of cultural and literary resurrection in the form of Persian poem, witnessing plentiful poetry and prose texts, the writers and tellers of which tried their own best utmost to mention Iran name throughout these literary works. Of which we can refer to poems of Rudaki, Abul Muayid Balkhi, Daqiqi, Farrukhi Sistani, and Manucheri. Having used the library and descriptive method, in the paper it was attempted to utter some of the poems.

Political marriage was a prudential connection between ruling families and was regarded as an effective method to achieve important governmental goals. This type of marriage became more popular from the fourth century AH onwards, simultaneously with the formation and development of semi-independent governments in Iran. Needed to establish the peaceful relations and to take advantage of the opportunities ahead, the rulers used them to solve the complex and political equations. About the role of political marriages in regulating the relations of governments from the 4th to the 7th century AH, so far has not been conducted any coherent and thematic research, especially based on public histories. The Findings of this research show that some of the Abbasid caliphs, the semi-independent governments of Al-Buwayhids ,Ghaznawids, Seljuks, Qarakhanids and some local governments have benefited the most from it. The results show that governments usually established marital ties to maintain position, confronting the enemy, deepening the friendship, the peace and security, expanding the territory, and rarely threatening and humiliating. The main function of these marriages was to facilitate, guarantee and complete the agreements and sometimes was the only solution of it. The present article will explain the evidences of political marriage in regulation of the relations of governments with a descriptive-analytical method.

Every discourse of power organizes the spaces. The discourses of resistance in their struggle challenge the organized spatial of power and tried to control it. So, the spaces can used like an instrument of struggle by every social group. In spaces that the power and the resistance struggle each other, the violence is inevitable and will intertwined with the space. This study by descriptive-analytical approach and inspire Foucault's theories tries to research the violence-space in the fifth/sixth centuries AH and the struggles the rival discourses for seizing space. The conclusion showed the discourse of power by organize the spaces and use its the military-service employees and rely on the Symbolic violence and by construct of Heterotopias deviation" and "Crisis keeps itself and be permanent. In other hand, the exclusionary people and rebellion groups like beggars, criminals, thieves, corrupt people, nomadic tribes, and religious minorities such as the Ismailis tried to seize the spaces by settling, killing, assassinating, looting, and sometimes fighting. Although both of them failed to eliminate each other, but  they played an important role in weakening each other and creating the grounds for greater crises.

The barbarian people who came to Iran in the middle centuries, and sometime later came to power, despite the claims of protecting and respecting the Shari'a, did not adhere to the teachings of Islam in protecting the rights of others, especially the opposition, in practice. It is noteworthy that this approach was not only taken by them, and rival groups and other actors in the field of politics practically took such a course, and on that basis, a huge amount of the means of punishment in the religious political conflicts of Iran was used at that time.Therefore, this research seeks to answer the main question why and how these tools were used to punish the guilty and innocent ones!  In order to answer this question, the authors, using descriptive-analytical method and using library resources, first of all investigated the type and manner of using punitive instruments, and then their degree of conformity with the Shari'a doctrines and their application in the course of the intended period were reviewed

Abdol Rashid ibn Mahmoud, in 441 AH, succeeded in relying on the throne as one of the Ghaznavid sultans. But, due to the lack of power and ability to govern the territory of the Emperor Ghaznavi, he soon faced a major crisis, and his rule ended after two years with the rebellion of Tughrul Usurper. The present study tries to call for the dark angles the assassination of Abdolrashid Mahmoud by his commander-in-chief (=Sepahsalar) servant, namely, Tughrul, who is variously nicknamed in the sources and studies of Ghaznavid era as the Denier of God’s blessings, The Forsaken, and the Usurper. The real character of this servant remains obscured. Moreover, the reasons for his uprising against his master have not been clarified. The present study is descriptive-analytical and, relying on library resources, tries to find appropriate answers for the research questions regarding the real Ghaznavid master of Tughrul, and his ruling years. The findings of the research show that Tughrul, contrary to the imagination of some sources, was the servant of Sultan Mahmoud, and later he was present at the time of Sultan Masoud's successors in the Ghaznavid court, and his ruling, based on historical data is more than what is usually mentioned sources.

The formation and development of the emirate system and its functioning in the history of Iran is of Islamic significance. The system of emirates as a political structure in the Middle Ages and in an era in which the Iranian identity was in crisis has led to the revival and continuation of Iranian identity. In this regard, considering the role and position of the Emirate system in the continuity and continuity of Iranian identity, this paper tries to answer this important question: the Emirate system as a symbol of the political system and the historical interlude of Iranian society in the third to fifth centuries What kind of special efforts did they revitalize and strengthen the Iranian identity? The results of this paper, which have been carried out with the usual descriptive-analytic approach in historical research, suggest that Emirati systems such as Samanids, Ghaznavids and Albayeh, utilizing historical and cultural factors as well as in the light of Islam in restoring identity The Iranian people have been struggling to persuade the Iranian identity in the shadow of the Emirate system and in the context of Iranian culture and society during Islamic period.

Based on the sociology of order approach, the present paper seeks to deal with the relationship between the militants' promoted role and the establishment of social order. This paper is a case study of the status of the society of the Middle Ages in the fourth century A.H. A historical review of the texts of this era using the sociology of order approach shows that - contrary to the state-centered understanding of the concept of security, the studies of the Middle Ages indicate the centrality of the concept of security in the concept and definition of social order and the mechanisms of its preservation and durability, because the establishment of social order and security faced many problems in the fourth century A.H due to the intensified process of segregation and propagation of various social groups as well as the appearance of various social disorders in the eastern geography of the Islamic society. Under these conditions, the community was getting away from the cognitive standards, the normative system, and a common and universal value reference. Furthermore, the state's mobilization ability, concentration of power and legitimacy declined due to the increased tensions and various social classifications. In these circumstances, the groups close to power began competing and even fighting together in order to establish the external order of the society. This process, which resulted in the collapse of the Samanids and the rise of the Ghaznavids, provided the conditions for the establishment of external order in the society.

The central government of Ghazni, despite the powerful empire, faced many problems at the end of its rule in Khorasan, and the danger of the Seljuk Turks being present for Ghaznavids was a very significant threat. The study of security, disciplinary, and economic dimensions of cities, including Khorasan, which is one of the central issues in history, is important in this period.Ghaznavids were unsuccessful in adapting their policies to the economic and political interests of Khorasan.The heavy cost of the Ghaznavi court caused extortion of huge sums of money from the peasant and confiscation of wealthyby the Ghaznavi tax collectors.On the other hand, the presence of pressure groups in the plains of the Transoxiana, which sought to reach suitable pasture lands and escape the looting of the Ghazans, placed Khorasan in their desires.Thenumerousbattles between the Ghaznavids and the Seljuks made Khorasan a ruin.The conditions of security, climate, environment, and geography of Khorasan were effective in defeating the Ghaznavids from the Seljuks. Famine, dehydration, the preferential attitude of merchants and landowners of Khorasan to the policies of the Ghaznavid government were one of the main factors in the defeat of Ghaznavids in the Battle of Dandanaqan.

Abu Saeed Abolkheir ( 357- 440 AH ) is one of the Sufi spiritual elders who has attracted the attention of literary and mystic texts towards the statement of his miracles due to his important role in the practical mysticism as well as the social and educational grounds. Undoubtedly, he has had a prominent role throughout the fourth and fifth (AH) in uniting the society with mysticism. Nevertheless, it seems that some literary and mystic texts such as Asrar al-Tawhid related to the aspects and biography of Sheikh Abu Saeed written by one of his grandchildren, Mohammad Ibn e- Monavvar (passing away, 570 After Hijrah) have exaggerated on Abu Saeed’s relation with Ghaznavid and Saljuqid governors.
This is implied from the comparative study of what is stated in Asrar al-Towhid and the contemporary texts written in time of Abu Saeed.
This study is to investigate the political and social role of Abu Saeed in Khorasan in time of Ghaznavid and Saljuqid by comparing the records written in Asrar al-Towhid and the historical texts concurrently present.

In the third and forth centuries after hijrah, Khorasan and Transoxania which were under the domination of Samanids and Ghaznavids were passing the successfully cultural, scientific and economic periods. Besides the various elements, the tradition of vaqf (endowment) was effective in providing ground for this trend and it was considered as an important factor in various affairs of Khorasan people. Now, considering the changes in community of Khorasan in the era under study, the question is that the consumption of vaqf (endowment) was mainly in which direction and which social groups performed this act. This research is to study the role of vaqf (endowment) in the aforementioned era via the descriptive analytical method and relying on library research. The findings of research illustrates that vaqf (endowments) were utilized in three economic, social, and scientific grounds and all the groups were shared in this regard. However, the groups dependent on the government were benefited from more portions due to the political, social motivations and financial afford.

The political power of Ghurids is recognized during the governance era of Shansabaneyah dynasty. They have ruled from 401 to 612 AH after which their successors ruled in Indian subcontinent for long years. The current study conducts a descriptive-analytical investigation in the field of historical literature in order to assess and evaluate the causes of longevity in political and military power of Ghurids and their political establishment in the eastern lands of the Islamic Caliphate. Results of this study demonstrated that these factors in turn contributed to the long-term sustainability Ghurids. Offensive and defensive power of Ghurids, geographic spread, the relative popularity of Shansabaneyah among Ghurids, financial and economic power of Ghurids, their conversion to Islam, the support from Abbasid Caliphate, the governance of the family, the presence of multiple centers and the circumstances surrounding were among the most important factors.

The Karrāmiyya sect, which emerged in the third century AH, grew in the Ghaznavid period as a result of several factors, and affected the social life of Khurasan. This papaer investigates the social consequences of the Karrāmiyya’s activities in Khurasan during the time of Ghaznavid Sultans, and reviews the causes and factors of the growth of them. This article shows that the social status of Karrāmiyya as well as the crisis of the legitimacy of the Ghaznavid rule during the time of Sultan Mahmūd provided the basis for their cooperation. Using social-educational institutions such as school and khanakah, Karrāmiyya’s leaders propagated their sect and published their sect among the groups of businessmen, and government agents. In fact, the system of social stratification of Khurasan was broken by Karrāmiyya and they competed with the followers of other religions and influential groups in Khurasan to seize economic resources, social and administrative positions. This competition led to the creation of the first religious requisition in the history of Khurasan.

Emirate considered as a political structure in Iran of the Islamic era and being of the social, economic and cultural aspects accomplished a unity as the requirement of a united political organization via taking advantage of the latest appeared grounds after Islam as well as Iranian political traditions. Considering a position for the emirates of Samanids, Ghaznavids and Buyids in the maintenance of Iranian identity and taking the effective advantage of previous political traditions of Iran as well as the descriptive-analytical approach, this writing is to answer the question regarding the effect of these emirates on the accomplishment of kingship system with the Islamic-Iranian approach. The findings of this research clarify that the political and social convergence of Iran in the Islamic period and the endeavor of Iranians towards the maintenance of their identity is the consequence of the mindful action of aforementioned emirates and the great role of commanders of this century in the history of Iran up to the advent of monarchy system with the Iranian-Islamic approach.

The present article studies the grounds and factors which influenced the formation and promotion of Ghurids’ military power and their military actions for encountering invaders and rivals. The present paper، based on historical sources and a descriptive- analytic approach، has studied the ups and downs experienced by the Ghurids for gaining military authority and power and also various factors effective in the formation and development of Ghurids’ military power. The main issue addressed by this study is the internal and external factors effective in the formation of Ghurids’ military power and the promotion of their military abilities. The findings of the research indicate that internal elements such as Ghur mountainous location، the characteristics of its people and its enjoyment of mines of metals utilized in making arms had influenced their gaining military power. Furthermore، external factors such as Ghurids'' struggles with some of their powerful neighbors، increase in their motives for gaining power and repelling invaders، expansion of Ghurids'' territory and their encountering powerful rivals، and promotion of their military power via military experiences of other powers were also at work.

Having appropriate geographical position، Ghazneh city located in Zabolestan state has been government center of powerful dynasties and has been the focus of various events since ancient times up to Islamic period. Being neighbored by Khorasan، Sistan، and India and also being on the route to Kabul-Kandahar as well as having relations with important business centers of that time like Bamyan، this city was economically important and notable for rulers. During Islamic period، with presence of Ghaznavid sultans (351-583 BC/ 962-1187 AD) and beginning of their conquests in the realm of neighboring countries، Ghazneh began a new period of its history. Simultaneous with changes in political situation of Ghazneh، its economic framework began to change، too. This paper has been written with the aim of discussing historical and economic importance of Ghazneh and increase of this importance under the political life conditions of Ghaznavid era being conducted by enjoying historical، literary، and geographic texts as well as contemporary sources.

Komijian residents of the mountainous areas around the source of the Oxus used to live near Khatlan and Chaghanian. They were the survivors of Iranian ethnic tribes in that area. They were not involved in social developments in the first centuries after Hegira since they resisted Islam. But، in the 11th century on، after converting to Islam، they were excluded from isolation and plaid roles in political activities. It coincided with the time Turkish tribes and figures had authorities in Ghaznavi، Gharakhanid and Saljuq governments and were in charge of Islamic affairs. The present article aims at questioning the information available and revealing the role of Komijian in political developments in Transoxiana and Khorasan while introducing them. The article، taking advantage of a descriptive-analytical method، indicates that from 11th century Komijian tribes were gradually being influenced by Islam through business and cultural interactions، then، performed an active role in political changes like Abu Ali Choghani`s rebellion، and political and military conflicts in the area. In the early 12th century، they had military cooperation in Ghaznavi and Gharakhani conflicts، the formation of Saljuq government and the division of Gharakhni government.

Iranian political regimes during Islamic period were the reproduction of the political regimes before Islam. Ghaznavid was the only Turkish government that unlike many Iranian governments، the way they seized power was not on tribal basis. Ghaznavid rulers were not the head of any tribes but warriors who could gain different military categories putting their efforts and had the nature of militarism and authoritarianism in them. The present article seeks to investigate the two levels (structural and environmental) of Ghaznavid government، based on Likert`s Hypothesis and according to the prominent literary-historical works of the period، Beihaghi history and poetical works of three courtier poets Onsori، Farrokhi، and Manuchehri. On the Linkert`s structural level the way ruling system cooporates، concentrates and does not concentrate، and on the environmental level، the value system and the quality of its effect on Ghaznavids` leadership method are specified. Ghaznavid gave holiness to their government justified their crimes by promoting the divine value system and assigning their sovereignty to the Prophet (PBUH) through the ruler of Baghdad. This way، they created a dictatorial regime which was highly focused; that is، the rulers were the only figures who could decide. Thus، the first system proposed by Linkert، authoritarian style، ruled there.