جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "reforms" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

On August 27, 1978, Mohammad Reza Shah appointed Jafar Sharif-Emami to establish the cabinet to resolve the turbulent state of the country. To appease the public and gain their support, Sharif-Emami implemented a range of reformative actions to address the opposition's demands and manipulate the public. These actions were also highlighted in the widely circulated Ettlaat newspaper, a significant publication during that era.During Sharif-Emami's brief tenure as the head of the government, he made numerous promises and concessions in an attempt to prevent the collapse of the system and control the revolution. Meanwhile, the new government recognized the crucial role of the press in society and viewed it as one of the most influential tools for disseminating information. With this in mind, the government saw Ettelaat newspaper as a key player in promoting their reform programs aimed at improving the conditions of society. Considering the significance of how the media reflects the performance of the government, the current study will examine the coverage of Sharif-Emami's reformative actions in Ettelaat newspaper as the primary focus of this research.        The media utilizes the technique of agenda setting to mold public perception. This technique involves focusing more on a specific subject or matter in the media, which consequently gains more attention from the public. The process of agenda setting in the media is influenced by three crucial elements: the people, the mass media, and the government.       An examination of Ettelaat's involvement in the rise of the Iranian Revolution in 1979 uncovers that this newspaper, similar to other publications under government influence, adopted a unique approach to highlight specific elements to manipulate the existing conditions and capitalize on the crisis for their benefit. This tactic was particularly evident during Prime Minister Sharif-Emami's brief term, showing the newspaper's significant inclination towards shaping public sentiment.       Jafar Sharif-Emami, a well-known figure in the Pahlavi era, occupied several important positions before being appointed as prime minister in August 1978. After Jamshid Amouzegar stepped down as prime minister in early August 1978, the Shah chose Sharif-Emami to take on this vital role during a turbulent period. Upon assuming his responsibilities, Sharif-Emami issued a statement highlighting his efforts to bring calm to the political atmosphere within the country. The issue becomes evident in his selection of the title "The Government of National Reconciliation." Through this declaration, he aimed to captivate the public's opinion by appealing to their desire for justice, religious harmony, political stability, and economic prosperity. Nevertheless, the unfolding of events like September 4 and 8, 1978, exposed the emptiness of his promises and claims.       The media possesses the capacity to emphasize significant aspects and qualities by utilizing bolding, which is a distinctive attribute. This characteristic enables the press to shape the public's perception of an individual's importance or significance. For example, following the establishment of Sharif-Emami's cabinet, the newspaper employed bolding to highlight his positive attributes and virtues in its initial editorial. Through this approach, he was portrayed as the sole individual capable of implementing innovative political initiatives and appealing formats. The newspaper focused on the government’s three primary aims, namely religious, political, and economic-welfare reformative measures. These priorities were given utmost importance in the news coverage, as they were consistently emphasized in both the headlines and the content of the newspaper. The subsequent analysis will delve into these priorities in detail.The Sharif-Imami government implemented significant changes in its religious policies, particularly in its approach towards the clergy. He aimed to establish a connection with the clergy and presented himself as part of a cleric family. Thus, the government's religious programs were designed to satisfy and gain support from the clergy. Ettelaat, in line with this approach, attempted to influence public opinion by highlighting certain religious issues in the media. These issues included the connection with the clergy, changing the imperial calendar (Taghvim-e-ShahanShahi), attracting the opinion of authorities and clerics, closing gambling houses and casinos, releasing imprisoned and exiled clerics, and promoting the pilgrimage of Hajj and Iraq.       Sharif-Emami's administration executed political reform initiatives to reach a consensus with all adversaries of the government. To strengthen the government's political commitments, the newspaper highlighted and magnified the political endeavors promised by the administration. This newspaper aimed to capture the public's attention and shape their perspectives by selecting specific topics that were within the realm of press functions during that time. Journalists prioritized news stories to convey their desired viewpoints and influence society. The key issues addressed included: 1- Exposing government officials 2- Combating corruption 3- Ensuring political parties' freedom of activity 4- Advocating for press freedom legislation 5- Securing the release of political prisoners 6- Dissolving the Rastakhiz party 7- Rectifying the financial and administrative records of the shah's court 8- Enacting an act for the independence of universities 9- Transforming the operations of SAVAK (Former Secret Police of Iran).        The Sharif-Imami government had additional objectives and strategies in place to ensure the continuity of their regime. One of these goals involved implementing economic reforms aimed at enhancing the living standards and overall well-being of ordinary people. By doing so, the government aimed to divert the attention of the masses from the primary objectives and aspirations of the revolutionaries, effectively obstructing their demands.                Consequently, the government introduced new economic policies as part of this strategy. These policies included economic packages, support measures, and other concessions, which were essentially responses to public protests. While these measures yielded some limited short-term results, their long-term impact was relatively insignificant. The government's focus primarily revolved around addressing the needs of average wage earners, as well as paying attention to the working class and other social classes.Sharif-Emami, who assumed office intending to establish “the National Reconciliation Government”, devised strategies to exert control over the country's critical situation. These strategies involved the announcement of reform programs accompanied by promises and concessions. Taking into account the prevailing societal conditions and public sentiment, the Sharif-Imami government strategically determined the media's agenda and its socio-political stance to achieve the regime's objectives through implementation. Ettelaat newspaper, owing to its reliance on those in power, played a significant role in this endeavor. Right from the start of Sharif-Emami's tenure as prime minister, this newspaper employed various news techniques to portray him and other cabinet members in positive figures. Simultaneously, news about the government's reformative actions, encompassing religious, political, and economic reforms, was disseminated to the public through diverse news formats, thereby emphasizing and guiding public opinion. In other words, Ettelaat focused on the government's efforts to address issues in a specific order of importance. This strategy aimed to involve and satisfy the public's feelings and thoughts, considering the Pahlavi regime's crucial state during that period. Despite the government's commitments to resolve the challenging circumstances, their attempts to reconcile with the citizens did not succeed. Consequently, the Sharif-Imami administration fell apart on November 5, 1978

At the end of the Umayyad rule, much opposition existed in the territory under their control in Iraq, Syria, and Iran. The main reason for this issue was tribal and racial prejudices, difficult living conditions, and payment of jizya and tribute. The harsh and strict policies of the Umayyad rulers, including Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, intensified widespread movements and opposition, such as the rebellion of Abdul Rahman ibn Ash'ath; therefore, some Umayyad caliphs and emirs made reforms to reduce differences and prevent the collapse of the caliphate. The reforms of Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz were successful at first, but his early death prevented the continuation of the reform process and the next caliph tried to remove his actions. At the end of the Umayyad rule, Yazid III and also the governor of  Khorasan, Nasr ibn Sayyar, attempted to control the rapid process of opposition by pursuing reforms, but none of these efforts prevented the collapse. The renewed energy of the Abbasids with the original early Islamic slogans was able to bring the people with them and destroy the Umayyad-Islamic royal government. The issue of this research is the reform measures of the caliphs and Umayyad rulers, especially their political and economic reforms. This research is organized in library style with a focus on Islamic historiographical sources. The authors claim that the Umayyad period's political actors considered it necessary to carry out large-scale reform measures, considering the economic and political conditions of the Islamic lands.

The decline that began in Europe, especially from the 17th century, as the result of the Ottoman military invasion, soon affected the socio-economic system to be declined and the weakness of military forces. Some Ottoman bureaucrats and intellectuals took at last reformist approaches because of the interventions of western countries and their imposed competition. Certainly, to the modernists, the new models and methods experienced in modern European countries could change Ottoman Empire’s traditional system and make it towards development. The reforms, however, in the way happened in the empire and the subsequent The Tanzimat (reorganization) encountered so many obstacles whole implementation. So, the changes and reforms regarding military, administrative-bureaucratic, and economic issues failed to be effective. This concise paper explores The Tanzimat and its obstacles it faced.

Although after the uprising of June 6th, 1963 republican tendencies, influenced by the first National Front of Iran under the leadership of Dr. Hossein Fatemi, were seen among some members of the National Front of Iran, such as Abolhassan Bani Sadr and Dariush Forouhar, the dominant discourse of the Fourth National Front from its establishment in 1977 until the last few months of the Pahlavi regime was ‘constitutionalism and support for the constitution’. In the last months leading up to the 1979 revolution, this discourse moved toward republicanism and overthrow. To understand this process, we directly interpreted the statements, speeches of the leaders, and the articles of the publication of the National Front organization using the textual discourse analysis method. In this method, the parameters related to the discourses of legalism, revolution, overthrow, republicanism, constitutionalism, etc. have been explored. Based on the results, this change in the discourse of the National Front took place gradually, and the National Front of Iran evolved from an intra-governmental opposition to a group opposed to the establishment of the regime, with a three-point declaration in Paris in November 1978. However, some contradictions can be seen in the discourse of the National Front during this period, which is mostly due to political and partisan interests.

The expansion of Iran's relations with the West and the increase of the Iranians' awareness of the scientific and technical achievements of Western countries during the Qajar period caused the tendency of many enlightened thinkers and journalists to acquire new technologies. One of these Western countries was the United States, which was moving rapidly in the direction of development and progress. In this article, an attempt has been made to analyze the progress of America in the field of rail and railway industry, its reflection in the thought of the reformers of the Qajar period and its consequences in Iranian society, for the first time, implementing a descriptive-analytical method and using unpublished works and documents. The question is, despite Iran's desire to model American railways, what causes and factors prevented the investors of this country from entering Iran. The findings of the research indicate that although Iranians were familiar with railways through Europe from the Nasser period, the significant quantitative and qualitative development of the American rail network and trains drew the attention of the Iranian press to this country. In such a way that soon America was considered as the only model for the creation and development of railways. The current research also shows how Iranian statesmen tried to acquire this new technology, negotiating with the country's ambassadors and sending a special representative to America during the Mozafaruddin Shah period and trying to conclude a contract. Although these efforts failed for various reasons, it revealed the importance of the railway to Iranians more than ever.

After a period of political instability, when Qajar dynasty took power, Iran experienced an apparent stability. Understanding the backwardness of Iran in the Naseri period, Amir Kabir and Mirza Hossein Sepahsalar, two reformist chief ministers, tried to remove the obstacles of development and reform everything pertaining to industry, communications, and culture. Applying a descriptive-analytical method and using documentary sources, newspapers, and primary sources, the study tried to answer the questions: What effects did Amir Kabir and Mirza Hossein Sepahsalar’s reforms have on the industry, communications, and culture in Naseri Iran? What are the similarities and differences between the reforms made by Amir Kabir and Sepahsalar? Amir Kabir and Mirza Hossein Sepahsalar identified the weaknesses of industry, science and culture as the reasons of underdevelopment of Iran. Regarding the industry element, both of them tried to modernize industries by establishing factories and industrial zones. The approach that Amir Kabir took in industry domain was establishing modern European industries financed by Iranian investors and supporting local industries, but Sepahsalar was interested in European countries and granting them the concessions of constructing the industrial zones. Regarding the communications, both of them tried to make post offices with specific regulations. This led to the flourish of businesses. Moreover, their program in establishing new schools with modern fields of study, industry, and newspapers, resulted in a huge group of people educated and trained in various fields.