جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « عثمانی » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

 With the outbreak of the First World War, due to its geopolitical situation and the establishment of Russian forces since 1909/1288 AD, Azerbaijan was unintentionally involved in the conflicts and wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Before the war, Ottomans had strengthened their positions against the Russians because Azerbaijan, especially the western corridor of Lake Urmia, was considered a strategic and suitable route Tsarist Russia to reach Mesopotamia and the warm waters of the Persian Gulf. In the spring of 1295 AH, the whole region was gradually occupied by the Russians, and the last attempt of the Ottomans to capture the positions of the Russians in the West of Azerbaijan under the title of Dillman (Salmas) war between Russia and the Ottomans in May 1295 AH led to the defeat of the Ottomans. At the same time as the Dillman War, the Assyrians and Ottoman Armenians revolted in Anatolia. The return of the Ottoman forces to Eastern Anatolia led to the suppression of the Ottoman rebel Armenians. The consequences of this war were mass migration of Ottoman Assyrians to western Azerbaijan, including Urmia and Salmas. This article, written based on Ottoman documents and Iranian sources on a descriptive-analytical basis, tries to answer these questions: what was the cause of this war and the process of the incident, and finally, what were the consequences of this war for Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia?  It was concluded that following this war, the western region of Azerbaijan and eastern Anatolia were captured by the joint Russian-Armenian forces. The subsequent events led to various incidents and events for both Muslims and Christians in Azerbaijan and Eastern Anatolia. It is clear that both the Ottoman countries and Tsarist Russia sought to gain more wealth and power in this region without considering the interests of the Iranian people and their partiality with these groups was temporary and based on their short-term and long-term hidden and overt interests.

The establishment of the Safavid dynasty and the recognition of the Shiite religion by them created a deep rift between Iran and the Ottomans, which led to endless wars between the two sides with the aim of eliminating the rival. These conflicts continued with the Battle of Chaldoran (920 AH / 1514 AD), which began with the invasions of Suleiman, which led to the conclusion of the peace of Amasya (962 AH / 1555 AD). This peace, while reducing political and religious differences, to some extent defined the borders of Iran with the Ottomans, and confirmed the political and geographical existence of the Safavids by the Ottomans. This study aims to answer the important question that what effect did the peace of Amasya have on the agreements between the two countries in the Safavid period until peace and what are the common provisions of these agreements? It is assumed that there are many common points in the treaties concluded between Iran and the Ottoman Safavid era with Amasya. If the findings of the present article prove the correctness of this hypothesis. In compiling and writing this dissertation, using historical research method based on the method of describing and analyzing documents, library resources are examined and finally the research findings are presented

From the classical era until the 19th century, Iranian literary texts occasionally served as a source of inspiration in the Ottoman Empire. One such example is Zahâk, a myth from Ferdowsi’s Shâhnâmeh, which was used to criticize the political situation in the Ottoman Empire. As Ottoman thinkers became familiar with the intellectual works of the West and the political structure of Europe, they began to criticize the governance of their declining empire. The prominent writer Şemseddin Sami, for instance, protested against despotism in various works, including plays such as Kāveh. This play not only exemplifies modern literature but also serves as a critical work by a Turkish thinker, expressing political issues in literary language. In Iran, Kâveh was translated by Mirzâ Ebrâhimkhan Amir Toumân as Zahâk, aiming to convey a different political context. This essay, inspired by “New Historicism” as a functional approach, illuminates the intended concepts of both the author and the Iranian translator. It reveals that both Iran and the Ottoman Empire had similar political experiences. Moreover, it shows that both the writer and the translator were aware of political despotism as a problem in their “homeland”. However, the political situation in Iran appears to be more complex. Understanding the political structure and the distinct experiences of monarchy in these contexts simplifies the question: why was Kâveh translated as Zahâk in Iran? Additionally, this play reflects social issues in Kâveh’s life, which adds another dimension to the work.

The Shia Safavid government was established in the 16th century AD (10th century AH) in the vicinity of the 200-year-old Ottoman government and the newly established Uzbek government, both of which were Sunni. The religious policy of Shah Ismail I (1501-1524 AD/907-930 AH) was based on the expansion of Shiism, which was in contrast with the religious policy of his neighbors, who were preachers and promoters of the Sunni religion. In addition to the fact that this issue caused religious disputes and repeated wars with the Safavids from both sides, it led to the convergence of the two Ottoman and Uzbek governments against the Safavids. The purpose of this research is to examine how Ottoman and Uzbek political relations were established and its consequences on the Safavids in the 16th century AD, with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that the formation and stabilization of Safavid rule, the development of its territory, and the Shiiteization of society, which was accompanied by the increase in the number of Shiites, caused concern to the Ottoman and Uzbek governments. Therefore, due to the common religion and the difference in religious policy with the Safavids, the two governments, with the aim of overthrowing and resorting to the issuance of Takfiri fatwas and the declaration of jihad, strengthened relations with each other against this government and established the idea of political and military unity by sending ambassadors, writing letters and sending military aid.

The role and position of the Kurdish Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been neglected. The main problem of the present research is to investigate the impact of the Ottoman central government's inability in the eastern provinces on the security of the western territory of Iran. Emirate of Baban and Pashalik of Baghdad were provinces far from the Ottoman center. The territories of both rulers were separated from the territory of Iran after the Zohab Treaty, but Iran's influence and role in Baban and Baghdad never disappeared. The inability and unwilling of the Ottoman central government - especially from the twelfth century to the middle of the thirteenth century - had led to a power vacuum in the eastern provinces. Such a situation was a serious threat to the western territory of Iran. As the subjects and borderlands of Iran were exposed many times to the raids of the Kurds and Arabs of the territory of Baban and Baghdad. In order to ensure the security of its territory, as well as maintaining and continuing its role and influence in the territory of Baban, Iran was inevitably involved in the conflicts between Baban and Baghdad. Some researchers have wrongly considered Iran's involvement in Baban and Baghdad issues as "interference". While Iran's involvement was as a legitimate right to Self-Defense. In the present research, the claim of Iran's "interference" has been rejected by a descriptive-analytical method and a critical approach, citing Iranian and Ottoman documents and sources. Because the involvement of Iran in the affairs of Baban and Baghdad was more than based on the will of the Iran, it was caused by the inability and unwillingness of the Ottoman government in the eastern provinces. Basically, the Ottoman government was considered among the unable or unwilling states from the point of view of international law. In order to ensure the security of its subjects and borderlands, Iran sometimes had to use force, except for political and diplomatic ways

The role of the governors of Baghdad is one of the important issues in the relations between Iran and the Ottoman Empire during the Qajar period. The administration of Iraq was difficult due to the distance from the center, the presence of different ethnic groups and Shiite pilgrimage sites, and the proximity to Iran, and the appointed governors tried to strengthen their political and financial power by fueling the differences between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. From the middle of the 19th century and the reforms carried out in the Ottoman territory, an attempt was made to coordinate their administration with Istanbul by appointing governors such as Najib Pasha. However, Pasha's contractionary policy in Baghdad caused a political crisis. Against this backdrop, the research question of the present study concerns the policy adopted by Najib Pasha during the governorship of Baghdad to divide Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Based on the descriptive-analytical approach and the view of centralism, the governors of Baghdad and consequently Najib Pasha saw the security threat from Iran and the Iranians living in Iraq very forceful for their position. Therefore, in their political orientation, they tried to use this intellectual atmosphere of the Istanbul court in line with their interests. Also, relying on the idea of centralism and the unbreakable link of the empire and removing its destructive elements, they tried to consider the suppression and massacre of the people of Karbala as legitimate and necessary.

The scarcity of resources in the social history of Iran and particularly the Caucasus has hindered our historical understanding. Meanwhile, documents, as primary written sources, are deemed valuable for historical research, lending credibility and citation worth to historical findings. Given its strategic significance, the Caucasus has been a focal point for Iran's and regional governments' attention since ancient times. The diverse commercial potential of the Caucasus region has fostered an environment conducive to economic prosperity. This study aimed to shed light on the social and economic conditions of Ganja and Karabagh states, focusing on the manuscripts of Ottoman writings from two distinct periods, "1001 to 1003 A.H. and 1142 to 1143 A.H./1595-1593 AD and 1733-1732 AD", based on unique manuscripts. The article was structured in a descriptive-analytical manner, delving into research achievements, the demographic division of states, taxation, agricultural products, ethnic composition, economic activities, tax revenue, and political developments in the region. It identified economic and social drivers of migrations and elucidated social changes to the best extent possible.

Iran-Ottoman relations were very vicissitudinous during six centuries. The two states concluded various agreements to end the war and establish peace. Among the treaties, the two treaties of Zohab (1639/1049) and Erzeroum (1847/1263) are very important. Because it was the basis for settling disputes and concluding subsequent agreements. Until the conference of Erzeroum (1259-1263), no doubts were expressed about the “originality and validity” of the Zohab Treaty. Iranian and Ottoman representatives for the first time, in the fifth  session and later in several other sessions of Erzeroum negotiations, while accepting the "authenticity" of the treaty, engaged in a serious debate about the "originality and validity" of the existing copies. In this research, the arguments of the representatives of the parties regarding the originality and validity of the Zohab treaty have been explained using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on unpublished documents. The findings of the research show that Mirza Taghi Khan, insisting on the necessity of presenting the "original" of the treaty by the Ottoman representative, did not accept the "copeies" presented by him and for this reason, it has prevented him from proving her territorial claims in Erzeroum negotiations.

Mohammad Hasan Khan ruled over Shaki at the same time as the rivalry between the Ottoman and Russian governments in the Caucasus region. In those days, the Ottomans established political relationships with local heads such as the ruler of Shaki with the aim of countering the influence and domination of the Russians in the Caucasus. Mohammad Hasan Khan had been also inclined to the Ottomans due to the fear and concern of the aggressive policy of the Georgians against the territory of the local Muslim rulers of Ganja and Yerevan. Mohammad Hasan Khan was in contact with the Ottomans in the form of exchange of correspondence and the ambassador's(elčī) movement. The main question of the article is what issues did Muhammad Hasan Khan Shaki's letters to the Ottoman government covered and what goals did he pursue? This research relying on printed books from Ottoman archival documents and local historiographical sources of Shaki and the Caucasus and with a descriptive-analytical approach indicates that confronting the expansionist policy of the Georgian ruler with the Russians’ military support in the Muslim land and constant invasion of their forces to the Ganja state in the neighbourhood of Shaki, was one of the important issues raised in the correspondence of Mohammad Hasan Khan Shaki with the Ottoman authorities. He demanded political-military aid from the Ottoman government for this issue. It seems that these letter writings did not have any special achievements due to the lack of practical action from both sides.

The old Islambol was prone to fire due to the type of architecture. This city suffered many big fires during the Ottoman period. This article is a report on the fire of the Iranian Consulate in Islambol in 1293 AH. Is. Apart from the material losses, this incident caused the loss of important historical documents and resources. The mission officer of Iran, Mirza Mohib Ali Khan Nazemul Malik Marandi Yakanlu, had collected most of the historical documents and sources for use and reference in the Iran-Ottoman Boundary Commission. After burning the documents and resources in the consulate, he started an all-out effort. For this purpose, he wrote several letters to the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, Mirza Hossein-Khan Sepahsalar, and by mentioning the exact address of historical documents and sources, he requested to prepare and send them. His letters and Sepahsalar’s responses about the incident of the burning of the Iranian consulate in Islambul have not been published yet, and this issue has remained hidden from the researchers in the history of Iran-Ottoman relations. In this research, using the unpublished documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, various aspects of the issue have been reported and analyzed.

The role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been mostly neglected. The Ottoman government established the Pashalik of Baghdad sometime after the Treaty of Zuhab (1049 AH/1639 AD). Baban Emirate had relative independence in the Kurdish regions of northern Iraq. For 214 years, from the Treaty of Zuhab to the Second Treaty of Erzurum (1263 AH/1847 AD), Iranian government faced three centers of power: İstanbul, Baghdad and Baban. During these two centuries, the western territory of Iran was exposed to various threats. In the present research, based on Iranian and Ottoman sources, and using the data-mining method and analytical-critical approach, the role and status of the Pashalik of Baghdad and the Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been elaborated. The findings of the research show that when Sultan Mahmud II came to power, a series of reforms began in the Ottoman government, which gradually led to the revival and increase of the influence and power of the Ottoman central government over its eastern provinces. By changing the power structure in Baghdad, the ground was paved for dismantling of Baban's Emirate. With Baghdad's victory over Baban, Iranian-Ottoman relations entered a new phase.

The Safavid era in the history of Iran, following the advent of Islam, holds a significant place in terms of politics and religion due to the establishment of political unity within Iran's borders and the embrace of the Shiite faith. This period was characterized by the Safavid rulers' confrontations with internal dissidents and diverse foreign adversaries. While historical sources from the Safavid era depict these confrontations and conflicts, they are not always faithful representations of reality. Instead, they often reflect the historians' interpretation of events, blending historical content with literary expression. The present study, conducted through a comprehensive review of relevant sources from the Safavid era, aims to explore the intertwined nature of history and poetry, and how these two elements have shaped historical narratives during this period. By delving into the use of poetry within historical texts, the research seeks to understand the role of poetic expression in conveying historical events and stories. The research findings reveal that the extensive incorporation of poetry in historical texts of the Safavid era can be attributed to several factors, including its heightened appeal and influence, the influence of the historiographical tradition from the Mongol era and earlier periods, and the educational backgrounds of the historians of this time, who were steeped in literary traditions before transitioning to historical authorship.

From the end of the 18th century and then with the Ottoman Empire's entry into the Tanzimat era, reforms took place in the political, cultural, military, and economic spheres. As a result, many debates about these reforms emerged. Among the most controversial of these debates was the question of reforming or changing the alphabet, which the debate continues so far. The current study by examining the course of the alphabet change in Turkey from the end of the Ottoman times to the beginning of the Republic seeks to identify the critical and influential factors of the alphabet change in Turkey and reveal the historical process of this issue. According to this research, the Ottoman elites from the middle of the 19th century realized the need to change the alphabet and many debates occurred about the alphabet. With the abolition of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, the issue of changing or reforming the alphabet has received more attention and was personally pursued by himself Ataturk, president of the newly established Republic of Turkey. And on 1 November 1928 with the passing of the “ Law on the Adoption and Implementation of the Turkish Alphabet “ the Alphabetic revolution took place.

The legitimacy of the Safavid dynasty was widespread to the extent that hardly anyone believed that they could be replaced as kings of Iran. The long shadow of the Safavid dynasty persisted even for years after its demise insofar as the main problem of Ashraf Afghan's government was its lack of legitimacy. Accordingly, all his efforts were devoted to solving this problem. This article attempts to examine the reasons for Ashraf Afghan’s lack of legitimacy, his solutions and the degree of his success based on a descriptive-analytical method and using primary archival sources. The findings show that the shadow of Safavid legitimacy weighed on Ashraf Afghan’s government, forcing him to use various means togain legitimacy. These included issuing letters of amnesty, confirming the deed of endowment for Shiite holy sites, minting coins with legends that would not provoke his Shiite subjects, marrying into the legitimate royal family (Safavids) and being recognized by the Ottoman and Russian empires. However, these acts could not help Ashraf Afghan and his Shiite subjects did not support him in the face of Nader’s invasion, which put an end to hisrule.

 The Poshtkouh region was considered a strategic area in the western boundaries of Iran, and the Feyli governors who had ruled Pishkouh and Poshtkouh in Lorestan as local governors since the Safavid Dynasty were selected by the central government to rule the region. The present study aimed to investigate the following question: what were the changes occurring on the western boundaries of Iran in Poshtkouh during the Qajar era?The study employed a descriptive-analytical methodology by relying on historical documents and maps and library resources, and the findings showed that the Poshtkouh region in the western boundaries of Iran witnessed relative changes in the Qajar Era due to the presence of strategic areas like the Seifi and Malkhatavi lands, border rivers like Konjancham, Gavi, and Changouleh, the Baghsaei region, and the salt mines of Poshtkouh. In this period, the Poshtkouh region did not suffer changes due to the military strength of its governors and the effective presence of the Tribes and clans of the region, and its geographical domain included parts of the Jassan, Badra, Zurbatiyah, and Tursaq in the Ottoman land.

The Caucasus region has been a special importance to Iran throughout history, and when the central government of Iran was weak, the first part that separated from Iran was the Caucasus region, and during the strong rule of central Iran, the first part that was annexed to Iran was the Caucasus region. The successors of Peter the Great wanted the north of Iran and the Ottomans wanted the west of Iran and over the years they have tried to infiltrate this region. During the Afghan occupation of Iran, the Ottomans occupied Azerbaijan and made the Russian Empire envy. Nader Shah (king of Iran) came to the Caucasus region in 1725-1726 AD and realized the political-military goals of Russia and the Ottomans, who had seized parts of the region by force. Nader was able to defeat the Ottoman forces and capture the Karabakh region. The reasons for the instability in dominating of the central government of Iran in this region have been partly related to the policies of the Iranian rulers and partly to the territorial expansion of the neighbors of this region throughout history. In this article, we will examine Nader Shah's policies in this region with an analytical and descriptive method. Findings show that Nader Shah's policy weakened the ties of the Karabakh region with the Iranian government and the tendency of the Khans to join the powerful governments.

During the reign of Nader Shah Afshar, one of the most notable events was the Mughan Council, which is believed to have altered the monarchy. Nader Shah, however, had many objectives, including securing the monarchy for his lineage, distancing himself from the nobles and clan leaders who supported the Safavid dynasty, modernizing internal affairs and taking a particular political and religious stance toward it, forging new alliances, and settling the long-standing dispute with the Ottoman empire. The participation of some of the people in the Mughan Council who were invited for consultation was another crucial factor. The Mughan Council has so many complex issues that its sheer volume obscures its main problem. Why did Nader Shah form the Mughan Council, and what was its primary purpose? What was the need to establish it? Conducting it first was to transfer Safavid's sovereignty to Nader. The historical facts, the process of acquiring power, the unusual circumstance, and the matters brought up before the Mughan Council are irreconcilable with this notion. This process has involved a more significant issue. Nader Shah aimed to expand his territory beyond the Safavid domain, which had a predominantly Sunni population. He also redefined the regulation of internal and external power relations, leading to establishment of the Mughan Council through a complex set of interrelated issues.

So far, extensive researches have been done in the field of Timarli system in the Ottoman Empire; But there are still many unsaid angles by historians and history researchers. What is supposed to be investigated in this article, the cavalry corps of the government were facing the problem of lack of metals and liquidity to cover the cost of the corps. In order to solve this problem, land was given to the cavalry corps as treatment. Timarlis, who were part of the formation of the state forces and played an important role in establishing the Ottoman power, became weak and decreased in number from the end of the 16th century. Some historians consider the decline of the Timarli system as one of the important factors of Ottoman decline. The current research is based on the descriptive-analytical method in order to explain the issue of how the reduction of the position of the Timarli institution had an effect on the governmental structure of the Ottoman Empire. The findings of the research indicate that the decline of the Timarli system resulted in the weakness of the military and defense organizations of the Ottomans and became the basis for the riots of the troops and ultimately the weakness of the empire. In this sense, the Ottomans lost their military structure of the cavalry regiments and prepared the ground for rebellion and protest of the Qapi-Qulu troops, including the cavalry corps and the Janissary infantry.

 How Iranians were influenced by the Ottoman constitution has always been one of the challenging topics. Some authors have denied this issue and others have spoken about the influence of the Ottoman constitution on Iran's constitutionalism as if the Ottomans were the creators of Iran's constitution. The main problem of the author in this research is to know the nature and dimensions of Iranian influence on the Ottoman constitution. The findings of the research show that Iranian intellectuals interacted with the Western world, India, as well as the constitutionalism of Russia and Japan, along with the Ottoman Empire, and they were familiar with the constitution and the concept of the modern state. Even before the Ottoman constitution, they realized the necessity of reforms in their governance system; Therefore, Iran's constitution was an endogenous and original matter and it cannot be considered as an imitation or subject of Ottoman rule.The only exception was that the Ottoman constitutionalism happened earlier than Iran due to the neighborhood and the influence of the West, and the number of Iranians residing in the Ottoman Empire who were affected by it was more than the Iranians of other countries. Iranian intellectuals are also trying to adapt constitutional laws to religion; They needed Ottoman experience. These three issues, discussed in this research , caused Iran's constitution to be formally influenced by the Ottoman Empire

One of the disputed issues between Iran and the Ottomans from the second half of Naser al-Din Shah's reign onwards was the construction of the boundary fortifications of Marivan, Avroman, and Lahijan on the Iranian-Ottoman boundary. This research seeks to find the answer to this question: What effect did the construction of boundary fortifications on the boundaries of Marivan, Avroman, and Lahijan have on Iran-Ottoman relations and transformation of Iran's western boundaries in the Qajar era? The findings of this research, which is carried out with descriptive-explanatory method using historical documents and maps, and desk study, showed that following the construction of new boundary fortifications by the Iranian government in Ardalan Kurdistan and Mukriyan, the Ottoman government tried to induce tensions in the western boundaries of Iran by making claims on the boundary blocks of Marivan, Avroman, and Lahijan, and with an emphasis on the claim that these areas are inside the Status Quo plan in order to impose its own desired terms in the provisions of the boundary committees. Finally, with the intervention of intermediary governments and based on the protocols of Tehran and Istanbul and the Boundary Commission in the year 1332 A.H., these areas were recognized as belonging to the Iranian government.