جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « مردم شناسی » در نشریات گروه « ادبیات و زبان ها »

The study of folk beliefs is one of the sub-branches of anthropology, and the folklore and popular culture of a land can be used as valuable documents for conducting anthropological studies. Popular culture, which is actually the traditional way of people's perception of the world and life, is in the fabric of society and its study reveals the thoughts, feelings, imaginations and aspirations of a people and shows the history of its culture and civilization. Gives. In this, the contribution of the Azerbaijani school and its poets is very high; Because Azerbaijan and the Caucasus, as one of the important regions of Iranian culture, played a significant role in the growth of Persian literature. In this research, folk beliefs and superstitions are investigated by looking deeply into the poems of these poets.

This research was done in a descriptive-analytical way.

In this research, it was shown that folk thoughts, which have a wonderful and valuable support in the heart of the ages, were able to reach us by manifesting themselves in the poetry of poets and be examined as a valuable heritage as anthropological indicators.

A point that deserves to be mentioned at the end is the high frequency of reflecting popular beliefs in the poetry of poets of the Azerbaijani school and the role and influence that their poetry has in anthropological studies, relying on folklore and popular literature.

In the anthropological literature, the production, processing, distribution and consumption of food are considered to be the main elements of the culture of any community. What and how a person eats varies from period to period, place to place, and community to community. Food binds the personality of individuals and the identity of groups and becomes an important tool for social communication and understanding.In anthropology, local communities, as they provide their food in close connection with nature and with the help of local knowledge, have always been a privileged field for research on food, its related cultural relations and food systems. This indigenous knowledge, which was the result of effective adaptation to the environmental conditions and acquiring knowledge from it, is rapidly being destroyed. In most cases, the current elders of the villages are considered as the last owners of native knowledge in various fields. In such a situation, the need to record and analyze the local food system, the evolution of the food pattern, its local sources and the effects of these changes on the health of the local people is revealed.

Theoretical foundations:

From the viewpoint of functionalism, society is like a living organism, which will ensure the adaptation and connection among its members, the interdependence and survival of the society. In this view, ethnographies are mainly limited to the description and analysis of the food system of societies. But the structuralists have highlighted a wide range of perspectives, such as examining the capacities of human societies in the field of food preparation, processing, distribution and consumption, and most prominently, the semiotics of food in their research. In recent years, rather than following a specific approach in their research, anthropologists have benefited from various viewpoints and opinions and have applied historical, symbolic, material and development analyses in a unified approach.

Literature and food in Mazandaran:

By using the linguistic semiology of food and the habits formed regarding that, it is possible to understand the culture, relations and rituals of a group or society. In fact, food represents distinctions and reinforces social constraints. The manner and cultural content of food, from one table to another, shows many distinctions and social characteristics. These distinctions are caused by beliefs, food ingredients, tastes and different cultural habits in the matter of food. Food beliefs, with their simple appearance, depict a small world of the culture of each society and help us understand human actions. This symbolic world represents itself through the language of cooking in everyday life.In the Mazandarani language, the main adjectives used to describe the quality of food are exactly the same descriptive words used to describe human personality: cold, hot, raw, cooked, sour, bitter, sweet, spicy, sour, tasteless, stale, crisp, pleasant, strong, weak, watery, fresh, corrupted, damaged, etc. Mazandarani language is also very rich in other linguistic forms that create a symbolic link between food and social-emotional situations.In the popular literature of Mazandaran, the use of the language of cooking and food in human interactions shows the position of this phenomenon in the culture. This literature has thousands of years of bitter and sweet experiences and has transferred the lived experiences of previous generations to the next generation in the shortest form. These proverbs direct how to live, think and behave, regulate relationships among people, classes and strata of society and determine its limits and gaps.Beliefs about food in Mazandaran have a state of mind in which there is no empirical evidence, rational or necessarily logical reasons, but it is accepted as a certainty. The origins of these beliefs are different. These beliefs are slowly formed over many years in the context of culture, and the depth of culture can be found in them. Themes such as paying attention to the guest, the other, xenophobia, softening the situation, sanctifying food and paying attention to health are highlighted in Mazandarani proverbs.

From an anthropological point of view, food and what is formed around it is a cultural text that can be read to study the depth of the culture of any society. Classification of foods in Mazandaran culture, cultural identity through food, cultural and biological perceptions of appetite, hunger and overeating among Mazandaran’s shows the cultural meanings of food in Mazandaran. The symbolic roles of food in Mazandaran show how food plays a role in creating or breaking social bonds and opens a way to identify how social cohesion is realized in Mazandaran. Food and technology of preparation, production and consumption contain many messages and speak of various lifestyles. Food is one of the phenomena that has been formed over a long period of time in the indigenous system of the people of each ecosystem and has turned into a complex reservoir of indigenous knowledge.

Var (trial by ordeal) was a form of divine judgement carried out by Zoroastrian judges to ascertain personal truthfulness. This ritual was not exclusive to Iranians; it was prevalent in Europe until the middle centuries. In the mythological and religious culture of the southern region of Kerman, the var ritual has been practiced in various ways throughout history. These include loqmeh-nevisi (eating consecrated morsels by the accused), takhteh-nevisi (writing the accused's name on a board), kāseh-ghardoon (identifying the culprit with a bowl of water), and qesme-chār (passing the accused through fire), among others, all aimed at proving personal truthfulness. The purpose of this study is to examine the role and implementation of Var rituals in this specific region. The research method is descriptive-analytical and involves collecting documentary information and conducting interviews with local inhabitants. The findings of the research indicate that the origins of Var rituals can be traced back to religious and mythological epic texts such as Shāhnāmeh and Avesta. Similar to other rituals, Var has undergone changes and transformations over time.

Status and value of water in literature and popular cultureabstract :Water and its associated elements are so important in Iranian culture that we can write a large encyclopedia of water . The land of Iran is a land of respect for water. From the written and oral works and ancient beliefs of the people of this land, one can clearly see that water was sacred to them. In most ancient Iranian beliefs, water is a cleansing and washing agent of sin . Without water the emergence and survival of man is unthinkable . Water is one of the primary and universal elements in the continuation of human life. Because of this, its position in different cultures varies according to climate, natural position, how, the number and quantity of available water resources, the level of technological progress and the way of living in different lands. Public culture research is a valuable effort to preserve , revive , and reproduce the culture of a society .

The architectural terms are always appearing in folkloric literature. Bathing and cleanliness were also important for Iranian people. The role of bathhouse in the social relations and its appearance in the most part of folk culture make bathhouse a distinguished place between the other types of architecture.We know also that only a few numbers of historic baths were remained; because this type is very weak against demolitions. Therefore, we must have no doubt about the necessity of documentation of all anthropological aspects of bathhouses.
This study deals with the recognition, classification and analysis of baths in the Persian proverbs. This research based on a descriptive -comparative method and the analytical data were used to criticize the documents. For this respect, a number of related books and papers were reviewed and were found 134 proverbs, then they were classified by the topic and were analyzed.
The results show that more than 61 percents of proverbs are simple sentences which state the main idea as simple as possible. Only 32 proverbs have a story and only one proverb has an Arabic origin. Also most of proverbs have a witty tone, and only 10 proverbs have indecent words. Generally speaking, the social and moral issues are more important topic of discussion than the other ones. The results also show that architecture and anthropology have the same portion in the proverbs. This fact leads us to conserve them similarly.

Work songs are readable version of emotions and passions of simple living rural people which indicate wishes, hopes, happiness, sorrows, love and loneliness. Work songs are called “Karnava” which are sang for different purposes and usually formed for describing the type of work, harmony among individuals, creating happy atmosphere in working area, and reducing the difficulties of work. These songs are divided into different subgroups: agriculture, milking, sheepherding, etc. With reviewing, analysis and meaning finding of work songs in each society, the social and cultural atmosphere of that society would easily be understood. In this article, along with reviewing aesthetic and artistic features of types of Karnavas in Talesh tribe, we analyze them in anthropological format in order to find related meaning in cultural, customs and morale of Talesh tribe society and analyze them. Research method is descriptive-analytic and data collection has been carried out in field of study and library. In this review around 20 Taleshian work songs were analyzed. Results of this study show that many of cultural, and social features, customs, beliefs, values, romances, sorrows, role of women in work and economic affairs, and importance of cooperation for Taleshi tribe have been reflected in these Karnavas .In addition, most of work songs in this region of Talesh are agricultural and pastoral ones which have romantic style.

All languages have different terms for expressing kinship relations and it seems that beyond these differences one can find similarities in the different systems of kinship terms. Morgan (1871) is the first anthropologist who studied kinship systems in different languages and came to this conclusion that kinship systems reflect social systems. Mordoch (1949) another anthropologist, distinguished 6 different patterns in kinship systems. Most anthropologists put their emphasis on studying members of a canonical family including father and mother, sister and brother, son and daughter, wife and husband.
On the other hand, Kroeber (1909) believed that kinship systems are linguistic systems, so they must be studied using linguistic methods. His concern was finding semantic categories that were expressed by kinship terms. He distinguished 8 semantic categories and believed that by using them one can describe kinship terms and their meanings. This was a preface to componential analysis.
Greenberg (1966) used the concept of markedness to study the cognitive-linguistic system of kinship terms. By studying kinship terms in more than 120 languages, he suggested kin terms markedness hierarchies, namely the following: “an ascending kin term is unmarked ] against a descending kin term of equal genealogical distance from the anchor ; a kin term descending lineal kinship is unmarked against the one denoting collateral kinship; and a kin term denoting a kin type of a generation more remote from the anchor is marked against a kin term denoting a kin type of a generation less remote from the anchor.”
According to Hage (1999) the importance of Greenberg’s work lies in these: a. He paid attention to the effect of social and cognitive factors in forming kinship systems, b. He provided a method for diachronic study of kinship terms, and c. By studying the prototype effects on forming kinship systems, he created a link between anthropology and cognitive sciences.
In the second part of this paper I am going to describe and explain the historical development of kinship terms in Persian and show the effects of the loss of gender inflection on these terms.
In Old Iranian period, all members of a canonical family including father, mother, sister, brother, daughter, son, wife, and husband have distinct terms: napāt (grandson) , pitar (father) , pussa (son) , (puθra Avs.), brātar (brother), mātar (mother), hamātar (having one mother) hamapitar (having one father) (Kent, 1950).
Since in Old Iranian period there is a patrilineal descent system (a system in which an individual is considered to belong to the same descent group as his or her father), father’s sisters and brothers have also distinct terms, their difference is marked by gender inflection: tūirya (father’s brother), (father's sister) tūiryā. There are no such terms in the texts for the maternal side.
Middle Iranian period is characterized by the reduced inflection of the noun and verb, so the gender distinction in kin terms must have been marked in a different way. There are no records of terms related to father’s and mother’s sisters and brothers in middle Iranian period. There are only records of the canonical family kin terms: xvāhar (sister), pitar (father), mātar (mother) , pus (son) , duxt (daughter) , duxtar (daughter), brātar (brother), zan (wife), (Frahvashi,1378)
In new Persian period again we have canonical family kin terms. Besides,, distinct terms for father’s and mother’s sisters and brothers (i.e. xâle, dâyi, amme, amu) are borrowed from Turkish and Arabic. These terms mark gender and generation distinctions.
As for the non-canonical kin terms, we have paternal kin terms in Old Persian on the one hand and the paternal and maternal kin terms in New Persian borrowed from Arabic and Turkish on the other hand. There is a gap in the development of these kin terms in Middle period. It seems that investigating Iranian dialects and having a closer look at Middle Iranian texts may help us recover these terms.
This state of affairs shows that for Persian speakers gender distinction in kin terms is crucial. After the language has lost its inflectional gender system, Persian speakers have compensated this loss by borrowing from a language which already had this gender distinction, but the borrowed words show the gender distinction lexically.
In the end, it must be added that from a typological point of view, kinship terms in Persian correspond to markedness hierarchies suggested by Greenberg.

In the present study, Anvari's odes were evaluated based on sociological criticism. This review concerns the opinions and views of Marxist critique of sociologists such as Lucien Goldmann and Lukacs and then matches their views with Anvari's odes. At first, sociopolitical changes in Anvari's odes were investigated. Then, the effects of these changes on his poetry were scrutinized. The results showed a relatively high impact and interaction of society and its evolution in Anvari's poetry. Afterward, the aesthetic side of his odes was socially and psychologically studied such as figures of speech (simile, equilibrium, analogy, exaggeration, etc.). The results also showed a pretty close relationship between society and individual's psyche (communal unconsciousness-individual unconsciousness) in Anvari's poems.