جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « vowel harmony » در نشریات گروه « ادبیات و زبان ها »

The research aims at studying a frequent phonological process in Persian. A phonological process that is supposed to act in many Persian words, enjoying the respective phonological arrangements. As a content-oriented process, the vowel harmony may not act in certain Persian words even in the speakers' informal pronunciation. The research method is a survey, qualitative content analysis and the data included in 100 words, gathered by purposive sampling to make a questionnaire. The interviewees include 150 speakers who are fluent in standard Persian. They pronounced the words in an informal style. The findings show that the vowel harmony acts in many Persian words, while being encounter by some restrictions in many others. The frequency, the loanwords, the age, gender and education of the speakers, the vowel harmony output takes a similar phonetic representation to local dialects and accents, the amplification of using writing language in speaking, the required phonetic arrangement stands in two morphemes, bleeding, closed syllable, and sometimes the grammatical category of the words stimulated the vowel harmony and blocked it.

The phonological processes usually act in words. The phonological arrangement of words may pave the way for a phonological act or may not. The researcher aimed at taking a comprehensive study on the subject for his dissertation. The current paper is a part of the study based on discovering the reasons and finding out the situations in which the vowel harmony does not take place. The question of the research is “how to find out the restrictions that prevent the process to cover all potential words?”

The study is based on the generating morphology theory.

The research method is a survey, qualitative content analysis and the data included in 100 Persian words gathered by purposive sampling from books and written documents to make a questionnaire. The interviewees are 150 Persian native speakers, including 78 men and 72 women, at the age range of 25 to 65. Their education ranked from diploma to Ph.D. They have been asked to pronounce the words in an informal style. The questionnaire also included in a self-statement form to be filled with name, age, sex and … . The researcher filled and completed the questionnaires by a field method all over Tehran.  

The research data included in two main groups. The first are the words taking the vowel harmony when pronounced by the speakers and the second are the words did not take any vowel harmony, while having the required phonological context. One of the probable processes is the vowel harmony between short vowels with the vowel /ɑ/. When one of the short vowels followed by /-ɂɑ/ or /-hɑ/, they will be assimilated by the vowel /ɑ/. The frequently used words like /lahɑf/, /tʃahɑr/, /nahɑr/ and /ʃahɑmat/ have taken the respective vowel harmony by more than 50% of the speakers. Meanwhile the words like /rahɑ/, /maɂɑd/, /saɂɑdat/, and /raɂɑjat/ have not taken the corresponding vowel harmony by more than 50% of the speakers. The reason for such a lack of vowel harmony partly relates to the fact that the output of the speakers' pronunciation may take a sort of similarity to other language types. For example, if they harmonize the vowel in /sefid/ and pronounce it as /sifid/, it can be similar to Azeri language type. In the word /dahɑn/, there is also the same situation and if vowel harmony takes place, the phonetic representation will be /dɑhɑn/ but it does not occure. The speakers pronounce it as /dahan/ in which two vowel shortenings take place instead of vowel harmony.
Another koind of vowel harmony relates to the vowels of /e/ and /ɑ/. The word /ɂeltehɑb/ that takes less frequency, did not accompany with vowel harmony. The words /ɂemtehɑn/, /ɂeʃtehɑ/, /ɂentehɑ/ and /dehɑt/ harmonized a lot, while words like /ʃeɂɑr/, /ɂenʃeɂɑb/ and /ɂeltehɑb/ harmonized a little by the speakers.
Another kind of vowel harmony deals with /o/ and /ɑ/. The words like /mohɑceme/, /mohɑsere/, /mohɑsebe/, and /moɂɑʃerat/ took a regressive vowel harmony by 69%, 65%, 52% and 49% respectively. In some Arabic word of the Mofa'ala infinitive, as in /mobɑhese/, if the vowel harmony take place, the output will be /mobɑhɑse/ in which a progressive harmony occurs. But a progressive vowel harmony is not probable in such words, since the harmony in the similar phonological context is regressive. In other words, the first prerequisite (regressive harmony) does not exist, while the second prerequisite (the glottal consonant /h/ between the vowels) exists. So in the first rule (R1) we have: 
/# mo.bɑ.ha.sa#/
mo.bɑ.ha.sa
In the second rule (R2): 
R2: a → e/ --- #
R2: a → e/ c --- ce #
In the third rule (R3) the vowel /a/ changes to /e/ in the final position. In the forth rule (R4) the penultimate vowel (before final /e/) harmonizes with the syllable nucleus of 4th syllable.
 
/#mo.bɑ.ha.sa#/   UR
R3:           mo.bɑ.ha.se
R4:           mo.bɑ.he.se
[mobɑhese]        PR
 
Another kind of vowel harmony deals with those words in which the first syllable is a short CV with /e/ or /o/ in nucleus. In the second syllable nucleus there is a high vowel of /i/ or /u/. The results show that words like /sefid/, /resid/, /ceʃid/ and /ʃenid/ all enjoy such a syllable with /e/ in the second syllable nucleus. Persian speakers do not harmonize the vowel in /sefid/ and never pronounce it as /sifid/ in order to prevent any similarity of their pronunciation to other language type. Meanwhile the speakers harmonized the vowel /o/ to /u/ in the words like /sopur/, /ɂotu/, /dorus/, /ʃocuh/, /bolur/ and /vorud/.

The results showed that the sequence of the vowels with common features must be in accordance with the vowel harmony rules. The glottal consonants facilitate the vowel harmony, while the oral consonants block it. The frequency of a word regarded as the most important factor for taking the vowel harmony rules. The next factor is the kind of consonant stands between the vowels, because in some vowel harmonies, the glottal consonants play a critical role. In the vowel harmony, corresponding to the vowel raising, the process is just probable in simple words enjoying a target short syllable of CV. Otherwise the syllable is not short and the words are not simple as in /xod.dʒuʃ/, /xoʃ.puʃ/, /por.mu/, and /por.ʃur/, and vowel harmony does not occur. The Arabic loanwords frequently used in Persian may not follow the progressive vowel harmony.

The current research aims at studying a frequent phonological process. A sort of vowel-consonant harmony which acts when the vowel /ɑ/ followed by a nasal consonant. The process sometimes does not act in many Persian words. This article deals with the Persian words, having the required phonological circumstances, but Persian speakers do not raise their vowels. Many university students look for the reasons and it needs a more detailed study. The research method is a survey, qualitative content analysis and the data included in 110 words gathered by purposive sampling to make a questionnaire. The interviewees include 150 speakers who are fluent in Persian. The vowel raising of /ɑ/ before nasals stops in accordance with the historical documents and in newer words. The findings show that even in older words, the process does not act because of: 1. The required phonological arrangement stands in two morphemes, 2. In loanwords, 3. In proper nouns, 4. When another phonological process bleeds or put a falling vowel adjacent to a nasal. 5. In open class words of the new domains like teaching and technology.

Taking a generative phonology approach, this paper analyzes vowel harmony in verbal prefixes in the speech of middle-aged non-immigrant Mashhadi people. Over 120 simple verbs were conjugated and phonological alternations in the vowels of imperfective, and sunjunctive aspect markers as well as the negative prefix were extracted and their phonological features were studied. The results indicate that verbal prefix vowels in Mashhadi dialect harmonize with the stem vowel in backness, highness or both and that coronals block vowel harmony if the stem vowel is a low back vowel.

Language is a system. Each linguistic system has some specific elements which show their differences or diversities. In addition to language universals, each language has its own rules. The main goal of this article is to study the phonological processes of Kohne Oghaz Turkish in Iran. This is the language of one of the villages of Shirvan in North Khorasan whose speakers speak Kurdish and Turkish. The data have been collected through an interview with ten Kohne Oghazi native speakers, five men and the others were women. They were between 40-60 years old. Because I didn’t find any written source of this type of Turkish, I just collected information from its native speakers. Data have been transcribed based on the International Phonetic Alphabet introduced by Catford (1988) and analyzed using descriptive method. This research has been written based on generative phonology. The results indicate that phonological processes that have been used in this Turkish type in comparison with Persian language include assimilation, fortition, insertion, haplology, vowel harmony.

This article addresses vowel harmony in Hamedani Turkish Within the framework of different models of optimality theory including Feature alignment, Local Agreement, Spread, Span, and Agreement-By-Correspondence. A corpus of related data was gathered and pronounced by 30 native speakers of Hamedani Turkish. Examination of the data suggested that three types of harmony occur in the said dialect, namely total harmony, opaque harmony, and transparent harmony. Results obtained from analyses indicated that the Spread theory, as contrasted with other models of optimality theory, has both descriptive and explanatory adequacy to account for data of vowel harmony in Hamedani Turkish. For one thing, the model can account for any type of vowel harmony in Hamedani Turkish. On the other hand, using the markedness constraint Spead [αF], the model can explain why different processes of assimilation in the sound systems of languages serve to operate and function similarly in respect to agreement in articulatory mechanisms.

The purpose of this paper is to identify and describe the lenition and metathesis processes in the standard variety of the Persian language and the Brafto Tang Sha dialect of Bakhtiari as a southwestern Iranian language. For this purpose, 150 words were first selected from the dialect questionnaire and glossary. Then, eight illiterate and semi-literate native speakers aged 40 to 80 were interviewed. Additionally, the linguistic intuition of one of the writers as a native speaker as well as some written sources were used as the research background. The data were analyzed in the framework of generative phonology, and the phonetic notation was based on the IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet). The research method was descriptive-analytic. In the analysis of each of the processes, a table of data and its related rules was presented; and eventually in some cases, nonlinear representations were made by means of phonemic features. The study results indicate that the process of lenition in this dialect can be explained in the framework of generative phonology. Furthermore, the study showed that some types of lenition, including assimilation, deletion and grave as well as acute features are observable in these processes

Auto-segmental phonology is a continuation of research in generative phonology framework firstly proposed by Goldsmith in 1976. In auto-segmental phonology, phonological representation comes out of the linear mode and it is explained in form of network and hierarchy. Accordingly, in auto-segmental phonology, the focus is on the changes which phonological rules can do on the organization of phonological realizations. In auto-segmental phonology, realizations are not as the simple phonological elements which include all phonological rules at the same level, anymore. In auto-segmental phonology, phonological rules not only affect phonological elements, but also influence the manner of the relation of elements in different layers. This research aims to investigate the phonological process of vowels harmony in Gilaki dialect in Rasht on the basis of auto-segmental phonology. The research method is both descriptive and analytical. The data have been collected by field study method. The results revealed that auto-segmental phonology, itself, was able to explain and represent the phonological process of vowel harmony in Gilaki dialect of Rasht.

The main concern of this article is to describe and analyze samples of some phonological processes such as assimilation, insertion and vowel harmony in the Qashqai version of Turkish. The data required for conducting this research has been collected by interviewing with 6 native informants of the mentioned language variety in the age range of 25 to 60 years. In addition, for preparing more data, the researchers used written documents. The native intuition of one of the writers of the article was utilized to. The analysis of the collected data shows that the processes of assimilation, insertion and a vowel harmony are very productive in this language variety. Some of the main results of this study are as follows: 1.In the Qashqai Turkish, the glide [j] is inserted between vowel sequences at the morpheme boundary to prevent vowel hiatus. 2. In the process of vowel harmony, the vowel of the plural suffix /lAr/ and also the vowel of the negative-imperative suffix /mA/ become assimilated with the root vowel in the feature [ back]. 3. In consonant assimilation within this language variety, assimilation among homorganic consonants always results in total assimilation and consequently yields fake germination

This article studies vowel epenthesis in final consonant clusters in Azerbaijani Turkish within Optimality Theory. Final consonant clusters are licensed in some words in Azerbaijani yet in others a vowel is inserted within final consonant clusters. This article tries to find the reason for vowel insertion and also the quality of inserted vowels within Optimality Theory where it can be explained by interaction and ranking of markedness and faithfulness constraints. Ranking of constraints is language-specific so this article, also tries to find constraints involved in vowel epenthesis within final consonant clusters and their ranking in this language. Study of data reveals that vowel is inserted in final consonant clusters for satisfying SON SEQ constraint and the inserted vowel always has [蘨] feature and the [back] and [round] features of this vowel are underspecified. For satisfying IDENT (back, round) constraint, following vowel harmony in Azerbaijani Turkish, these features are determined by a preceding vowel.

Harmony and disharmony are generally considered in isolation in the phonological literature. This has led to a striking asymmetry in their analyses. In this article، it is argued that both phenomena call for a parallel treatment and that this can be accomplished within Correspondence Theory. Correspondence Theory provides a general framework for defining faithfulness constraints. What happens in vowel harmony or any kind of assimilation is intuitively the same as what is encoded in one of the basic faithfulness constraint families of OT: IDENTITY (f) says that segments in one representation (usually input) should agree in feature specifications with correspoding segments in another representation (usually output). Here there is surface or syntagmatic correspondence relations between two distinct elements within one representation، that is، vowels in adjacent syllables in roundness and backness in surface representation. Following Inkelas’ (1994) theory of under specification، the approach divides harmony systems into structure changing and structure filling harmony types. Features participating in vowel harmony are underspecified in lexicon and are specified based on correspondence relations with adjacent features in output. All disharmonic features are specified in lexicon and do not change based on structure filling harmony.

The aim of this research is to study the vowel harmony in Azeri Turkish, spoken in Moghan region. It focuses on the role of opaque units in the process. Based on the generative phonology's linear approach, the vowel harmony is assumed to be the product of sequential assimilations of vowels in the string, whereas auto-segmental phonology considers harmonic features as being at a separate layer which is acting autonomously. For that, these features spread simultaneously on the whole vowels in the string, unless an opaque unit intervenes and blocks it. The analysis of the data collected from the region under investigation (namely from Germi city) showed that the vowel harmony can be described, according to the principles offered by Katamba (1989), as follows: a) vowel harmony could be observed in the features [±back] and [±round], b) [±back] harmony applies on the whole vowels in the system, while [±round] applies only on [+high] vowels, c) opaque units which block harmony feature's spreading are: 1) suffixes with a [+low] vowel in their underlying form and 2) the consonant /j/, occurring in the places other than root morpheme, which imposes [-back], [-round] and [+high] features on the preceding vowel, and this in turn influences the following vowels.

Vowel harmony is a phonological process during which vowels acquire the feature(s) of nearby vowel(s). In the first part of the present article, patterns of Persian vowel harmony are discussed. The paper shows that vowel harmony occurs within morphemes and across morpheme boundary in this language and certain consonants are transparent, while others are opaque in different harmony patterns. It is further argued that when vowel harmony occurs within a morpheme, the target is in most cases [e,æ,o] and the trigger is [i,u,A], and when vowel harmony occurs across morpheme boundary, all the six vowels of Persian can be the trigger, whereas only [e] and [æ] are targets. In the second part of the article, patterns of Vowel-to-Vowel coarticulation in Persian are investigated. V-to-V coarticulation is a phonetic process during which vowels in a string of segments affect one another, but the influences are too subtle for hearers to detect. V-to-V coarticulation can only be detected through instrumental investigation. The acoustic investigation of the laboratory speech of two adult male speakers of Persian showed that in this language V-to-V coarticulation is sensitive to vowel quality, the voicing characteristics of the intervocalic consonant and its place of articulation.