جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « اقتصاد » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

In the triple interweaving of economy, territory, and geography, the geopolitics of ports shape maritime communication lines. Port geopolitical codes establish the relationship of territorial codes in economic policies and the global political economy. Port power is the main player in the seas, especially sea transportation, and has access and influence to the land of Eurasia, which was previously considered impenetrable, through ports. Iran’s Chabahar port, due to its location in the ocean, is regarded as a geopolitical hotspot for emerging powers, including China and India, to reach the fortress of Eurasia. The emerging port powers are trying to change the balance of power at the regional and global level in their favor by hegemony over this port. This article aims to investigate the geopolitical role of the Chabahar Port in promoting Iran to the position of regional port power based on the geopolitical theory of port power. The method of data collection in the current research is documentary and library method. The research results show that the importance of Chabahar Port next to Pakistan's Gwadar Port has shaped the geopolitical strategies of emerging powers for hegemony over Indian Ocean coastal ports. Iran should place Chabahar port as a central geopolitical code in the center of its foreign policies in order to become a regional port power.

And by studying the events and opportunities of recent interactions and political behavior between the Islamic Republic and the United States, this article tries to answer the question that the challenges and opportunities related to the economic and strategic embargo of Western countries, especially the United States. What challenges and opportunities did it have against the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to answer this question, this hypothesis is proposed that in the level of challenges, the American economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran have led to restrictions on Iran's financial, banking, commercial and strategic activities, and in terms of opportunities, Iran has The initiatives resulting from the restrictions created by the sanctions, on the one hand, were able to identify and realize their strategic capacities in various economic sectors, and on the other hand, increase their flexibility against the initial level of sanctions. But it seems that in order to deal with the second level of sanctions in the long term, it is necessary to formulate a coherent and effective strategy for the sustainable growth and development of the country in the atmosphere of sanctions.

Alinqipour and Guderzi (1401) in an article entitled "The impact of American sanctions on the orientation of Iran's economic diplomacy towards the East during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani (case study of Russia)" have shown that policies based on sanctions and Western pressure has caused foreign policy c. A. From the beginning of the revolution, Iran should be designed based on looking to the East in different dimensions; The authors have come to the conclusion that during the era of Hassan Rouhani, the government's policy in dealing with sanctions in the economic dimension was based on Iran's dependence on economic imports from Russia. The Caspian Sea and Eurasia have been implemented against the policies of the West.Mohibi Hare Dasht and his colleagues (1400) in an article entitled "Countering financial and economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran with timely warning tools of banks' helplessness" addressed the issue of the impact of American sanctions on Iran's banking system. In response to this question, the authors asked how the position of the timely warning model of banks' helplessness can lead to the reduction of the effects of sanctions. have concluded that with the help of annual calculation of these indicators, the banking system can predict financial helplessness and bankruptcy before it occurs and take the necessary measures regarding the revision of the control of its collection and prevent the occurrence of bankruptcy.Alavi and Amiri (2015) in their article entitled "The role of the US Congress and the Treasury Department in applying economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran (2010-2014)" emphasized the role of the US Treasury Department in implementing the sanctions system of this country. The United States government, with the influx of primary and secondary sanctions, especially from 2010 to 2014 in the form of congressional laws and executive orders of the president with the executive arm of the Treasury Department and under it the "Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), with its full-scale economic war, It has put the country's economy under pressure.Bajgholi et al. (2024) in the book How Sanctions Work: Iran and the Effects of Economic War tried to analyze the effects of extensive and long-term Western sanctions led by the United States against Iran. This book is mentioned as the first extensive and systematic study about the effects of sanctions on Iranian society. The authors in this book have concluded that the sanctions of the United States of America against Iran have not been able to achieve their goals, because on the one hand, not only did it not change Iran's behavior, but it has made it more aggressive, and on the other hand, the maximum pressure sanctions of many It has plunged Iranians into poverty, both in rural and urban areas, and has exacerbated economic and class inequality.Ghasemi-nejad and Jahan-parvar (2021) in an article entitled "Effect of Financial Sanctions: A Case Study of Iran", financial sanctions have had a great impact on the decline and decline of Iran's economy. In this context, the authors believe that sanctions affect politically connected companies more than ordinary companies, have persistent negative effects on profitability ratios, and the stock prices of politically connected companies recover more slowly after sanctions are lifted. Firms targeted by financial sanctions reduce their leverage and increase their cash holdings to manage the perceived increase in their risk profile.Nefiu (2017) in his book titled "The Art of Sanctions: A View from the Field" divides sanctions into four major parts: diplomatic and political, military, technological and economic, and believes that the most widely used and effective type of sanctions is It is the "economic" type, which is divided into two categories: commercial and financial. In this book, the author examines the formation of sanctions considering the conditions and context of Iran; Also, in this book, the author tries to convey to the activists and those interested in the practical implementation of foreign policies the mental framework of when and how they should implement the sanctions.Opinions in the researches conducted in this field show that most of these works and researches have emphasized the negative side and challenges of economic sanctions on Iran's economy and society and have examined their results; On the other hand, some researches have focused on the positive side and the window of opportunity of economic sanctions in order to pay attention to the domestic and indigenous capacities and endogenous development of the country; For this purpose, according to the works compiled in this field, the present research tries to address both the challenges and opportunities of the economic sanctions of the United States of America, and this is the reason for the innovation and innovation of the present article.

The article used the descriptive-analytical method and collected its data in a library form.

American sanctions against Iran refer to the economic, commercial, scientific, human rights and military sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran imposed by the United States government, or under the pressure of the United States on the international community through the United Nations Security Council. American sanctions against Iran It is one of the oldest sanctions in the world. These sanctions started in 1358 at the same time as the issue of hostage taking of American Embassy employees in Tehran with Executive Order 4702 and 12170 by Jimmy Carter and gradually increased its dimensions. Numerous executive orders and various laws are the result of America's hostile actions in the past years. Executive orders 12613, 12957 and 12959, 13382, 13553, 13574, 13590, 13599, etc. are examples of the extensive actions of the United States in the past years to institutionalize and structure sanctions against Iran. Actions that reached their peak during the Obama and Trump eras. US government officials have called the sanctions imposed on Iran the toughest and most crippling sanctions in the history of human civilization. Financial, economic, defense and military sanctions as a tested solution in curbing the economic and military power of J.A. Iran is institutionalized in the strategic document of the United States of America and cannot be ignored easily. The sanctions theory has secured the interests of the United States and its regional allies, such as the Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia, and this group considers the release of financial energy and the rise of the power of the Islamic Republic in the aftermath of the JCPOA against its own interests and in the direction of the complete victory of the axis of resistance and facilitation. They see the fields of domination of the Islamic Republic in the region. According to the mentality of the political elite of the United States, the discourses against the nuclear agreement and the success of the sanctions policy of J.A. Iran in serving the interests of the United States, the continuation of sanctions and the approval of new sanctions by the political elite of the United States will be very likely.But on the other hand, in spite of all these propositions, America's smart and multi-layered sanctions system against Iran in the last few decades has caused challenges and on the other hand many opportunities for Iran. In this article, an attempt was made to address the issue of what were these challenges and opportunities? As discussed, the economic sanctions have placed numerous financial, banking, economic and commercial restrictions on the growth and development of the Islamic Republic of Iran; And he has basically tried to exclude this country from the agenda of global trends and intensify its isolation. Sanctions and various prohibitions in the fields of technology, transportation, money transfer, import and export; Industrial and military cooperation are the most important examples of these challenges. On the other hand, paying attention to domestic and indigenous capacities for the development of military and security technologies (especially in the field of missiles and drones), using local knowledge to improve technology in the fields of medicine and medicine, nuclear knowledge, drafting doctrine New security and military measures in the Middle East region, improving the level of interactions and strategizing them with emerging powers such as China and Russia and the BRICS member countries, a significant increase in human development, etc. have been among the opportunities that sanctions and prohibitions Many have caused them to emerge for the Islamic Republic of Iran. With the initiatives caused by the restrictions created by the sanctions, Iran was able to realize its strategic capacities in various economic sectors and on the other hand, increase its flexibility against the initial level of sanctions. But it seems that in order to deal with the second level of sanctions in the long term, while formulating a coherent and effective strategy for the sustainable growth and development of the country in the environment of sanctions, it should put the following axes in its agenda:- Attention to the capacity of knowledge-based companies in order to diversify the economic structure of the country. Promotion of internal cohesion at the level of elites, officials and society Adoption and promotion of smart support policies by the government Creating hope for the future and managing public opinion The use of the Iranian government's security capabilities in the positive and negative aspects in the Middle East as bargaining levers with Turkey, Russia and especially the European Union Encouraging neighborhood policy through non-governmental organizations from the government.

Turkey's policies have undergone various ebbs and flows over the past two decades. These policies have been characterized by both friendly relations with neighbors and inference in the internal affairs of certain countries, including Syria. These changes fall under the broader strategic objectives of the Turkish government, which require further examination. This article aims to investigate the reasons behind Turkey's strategic policy shift towards Syria. The significance of Syria's position in Turkey's regional political-security strategy has influenced the Erdogan government's change in strategy. This article addresses the question of the impact of Erdogan's policy shift towards Syria on Turkey's strategic policies in the region. The research findings, based on an explanatory-analytical approach using secondary data, indicate several reasons, including Erdogan's perceptual-psychological nature and personality, his inclination to enhance Turkey's position, the internal political and economic instability, as well as national security concerns, particularly in dealing with Kurdish groups. These factors have constrained the Turkish government to adopt a new policy towards Syria. This shift of policy will change Turkey's strategies in the Middle East and cause it to abandon its neo-Ottomanist policies. The economic instability of Turkey, national security considerations, the long border between the two countries, the issue of the Kurds, terrorism, and the presence of millions of Syrian refugees in Turkey are all significant factors in this strategic shift. Currently, Turkey is more pragmatic in changing its neo-Ottomanist policies.

The governing principles of identity politics in Iran should lead to the strengthening of national commonalities and efforts to bring ethnicities closer together. Therefore, the important thing that exists is that the more the axes and principles agreed upon by the collective are promoted, the more harmony, empathy and convergence will be achieved. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to investigate the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups. Therefore, the following article seeks to answer the main question, "What is the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups?" In this regard, the research implementation method is a survey method and questionnaire data collection tool. The statistical population of the research was 214 people. In this study, the sample size was 66 people using Cochran's formula and 0.1 error. The data were analyzed with one-sample t-tests, Friedman's test and SPSS software. The findings indicate that all economic components have an effective role on the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups.

This article aims to investigate the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy, and in this context, it has focused on the economic sanctions of the United States and European Union member states on Russia. The research method was descriptive-analytical and used library data and information. The findings of the research indicate that among Western sanctions against the Russian economy, financial and banking sanctions with a frequency of 8 have the highest frequency, followed by exchange sanctions with a frequency of 6, scientific and technological sanctions with a frequency of 3, and transportation sanctions with a frequency of 1. They are ranked next. The findings of the research on the macroeconomic indicators of Russia such as the economic growth rate, exchange rate, inflation rate, interest rate, export and import rate of this country showed that the Russian economy during 2014, which was the beginning of Western economic sanctions, until 2022 (which is the latest and most up-to-date The data of the World Bank is related to this year) has followed a downward trend and the economy of this country has faced fundamental challenges in various fields, especially liquidity. Therefore, the goals of Western economic sanctions have been achieved to a significant extent in Russia, and the country's economy, as the fifth economic power in the world, has been able to face a crisis. However, paying attention to confrontation with sanctions and policy-making based on the special conditions of sanctions can partially compensate for the harmful and destructive effects of economic sanctions in the sanctioned countries, or even bring mutual costs to the sanctioning countries.

Soft power is a tool utilized by different actors in the evolving international system based on their capabilities. In this transformed international system, soft power becomes a vital element in increasing influence over international outcomes, as it makes it more difficult to coerce countries and non-state actors through traditional hard power tools that mean threats and force.The People's Republic of China is one of the influential actors in the realm of international relations. Its large economy, ranking second in the world, has enabled the country to utilize its economic power as a tool to advance its goals. According to most experts in the field of economics and international relations, China is projected to surpass the United States as the world's leading economy by 2030 and establish itself as a dominant economic power on the international stage, although Joseph Nye disputes this notion in his book "The Intelligent Power."Over the past few decades, China's foreign policy has pursued different dimensions and forms of power in the international arena, in line with its domestic environment and international circumstances. China's bitter historical experience in dealing with Western powers and enduring the era of humiliation, as well as the ideological components stemming from the Communist revolution, shaped its foreign policy during Mao's era with a strong hardware-oriented approach to power and a focus on win-lose dynamics. With the emergence of Deng Xiaoping, China's foreign policy outlook shifted towards a process of power acquisition and security enhancement. Since the 1990s, significant changes have occurred in China's domestic and international conditions, as the emphasis solely on one dimension of power made the country vulnerable to long-term interests. It was in the mid-1990s that soft power gained a special position in China's foreign policy. Jiang Zemin believed that due to various internal and international reasons, China had to incorporate new dimensions of power, including soft power, into its agenda to change its position and ensure security.Among the influential regions targeted by China, which shares over 1,800 kilometers of border with it, is Central Asia. This geographical proximity has fostered economic, political, and even cultural links between China and the countries of this region. The historical Silk Road, which originated in China and extended through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe, has strengthened these connections. In this regard, Chinese elites also strive to showcase their soft power on the global stage and in the direction of defeating enemies by utilizing the country's traditional culture, values, and teachings, combined with modern culture.The main objective of this research is to highlight China's development-oriented policies in the Central Asian region. The significance of this research lies in the fact that Central Asia is considered part of Iran's cultural sphere, and Iranian culture and art have a significant presence in this region. This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the question of how the Chinese government employs soft power as a tool for its development ambitions in Central Asia. The article argues that by utilizing its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic dimensions, the Chinese government influences the countries of the Central Asian region. However, it also faces challenges that hurt its soft power. This research examines the soft power of China, its capacities, tools, and challenges by addressing the concept of soft power and the Chinese government's utilization of it in Central Asia.Based on this, the research is structured into three main sections. The first section provides an overview and theoretical framework of the research. The second section explores China's soft power in Central Asia, including the existing tools and capacities of the Chinese government in this domain. The third section discusses the challenges faced by the Chinese government in leveraging its soft power.Considering that the main question of the research was how the Chinese government uses soft power as a tool for its expansionist ambitions in Central Asia, it is argued in this research that the Chinese government influences the countries of Central Asia through its soft power tools in cultural, political, and economic dimensions. However, it faces challenges such as the presence of regional and extra-regional powers (such as the United States, Russia, and India), Islamic fundamentalism, and cultural unattractiveness, which hurt its soft power. It can be concluded that China has been able to introduce itself as an influential variable in this region through its economic relations with Central Asian countries, both through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other frameworks. China has attempted to exert its influence on the development and progress of these countries by tying their economies to their own, creating consumer and transit markets, and utilizing the energy resources available in these countries. The Chinese government has placed economic tools as the foundation of its global and regional movements, particularly in Central Asia. In the cultural sphere, despite scholarships for students and the promotion of the Chinese language and Confucian culture, different perspectives, especially in neighboring countries, indicate that Russia and the United States have a relatively more desirable position in terms of China's soft power and influence. In the political sphere, there is authoritarianism in Central Asian countries, similar to China, but civil society and the general public in Central Asia do not find China's soft power politically appealing and prefer the liberal democracy model of the United States. Despite China's efforts to achieve its goals through initiatives such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Belt and Road Initiative, it faces challenges that have affected these initiatives. Russia considers Central Asia its domain and China's presence and influence in this region pass through Russia's channel. The United States identifies China as the biggest threat to its national security and seeks to have an influential presence in the region as an international player. Islamic fundamentalism (terrorism) is another challenge for China. The presence of Chinese semi-military forces in Syria in the form of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and their return to Central Asia and China, creating security crises, makes Central Asian countries a potential center of terrorism in the future. Overall, it can be stated that despite all the progress China has made in this region, the existence of these challenges has affected China's soft power.

The relationship between trade and security is a concern for many international relations researchers, and numerous studies have been conducted on the mutual or separate effects of these two concepts on each other. However, this gap is still clearly visible in the case of Qatar. Therefore, the authors are looking to investigate this issue and answer the question "What impact have Qatar's trade actions had on its security from 2008 to 2020?" The research method is qualitative, using the sampling technique and explanatory approach to examine the causal effects of the variables under investigation. Data was collected through library-documentary methods and primary sources such as documents, reports, books, articles, and websites. Overall, the general aim of this research is to examine the impact of trade on the security of countries (a case study of Qatar). The theoretical framework of mutual dependence, which is one of the intellectual strands of liberalism, is used to clarify the subject. The overall results show that a significant portion of Qatar's current security has been achieved through reliance on the idea of mutual dependence and long-term development policies, as well as finding powerful political, economic, and cultural partners, and through economic diversification, which has led to military empowerment, economic stability and relative prosperity, and human and social development.

The purpose of this article is to examine China-Syria relations and its impact on Turkey's regional power, and it tries to answer the question of how China-Syria relations in the years 2011 to 2021 have affected Turkey's regional power and interests.
To answer the purpose of this research, explanatory-analytical method has been used.
The geopolitical position of Turkey in the region of West Asia, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean has placed this country in the center of an important geopolitical environment in the world. After the instabilities caused by the Arab uprisings in the region in 2011, Turkey took a power-oriented approach to strengthen its regional power to protect its position against threats and challenges. In the meantime, the Syrian crisis has become a conflict between the interests of China and Turkey in the region, and China's support for the Syrian government has affected Turkey's regional power. In response and using the explanatory-analytical research method, the hypothesis of the article is that "China-Syria relations through China's political support to Bashar al-Assad and the establishment of economic and trade relations with this country have affected Turkey's regional power at this point and It has weakened it".
The findings of the research show that the establishment of political-economic relations between China and Syria and this country's support for Bashar al-Assad's government and Beijing's support for anti-terrorist operations in the region are in conflict with the interests of Turkey's regional power and have weakened this country's power-oriented approach in the region.

The emergence of the Islamic revolution in the Middle East region was able to create a new and revolutionary government in the world, which reveals global oppression and tyranny. Islamic Iran is geopolitically and economically important in the Middle East region, and Western countries, especially the United States, have been forced not to turn away from any conspiracy to protect their interests in the Middle East region. Based on this, they tried to achieve their goals by imposing economic pressures and sanctions in weakening the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the world and even inside the country. Therefore, according to the importance of the issue, the supreme leader of the revolution raised economic issues in the slogan of the year in order to raise awareness among experts and ordinary people, and in particular, he placed economic defense at the top of the agenda of the officials of the system. The purpose of this article is to examine the soft power dimensions of economic defense from the perspective of Islam and in the defense thought of Imam Khamenei. In the opinion of the Supreme Leader, economic war is considered both a hard and a soft war, which puts the Iranian nation in a tight spot in terms of economic issues. and the officials of the country should have a prudent resistance against the pressures of the enemy, sanctions and similar things, so that they can pass this period well.

Health diplomacy is one of the aspects of modern diplomacy that has become popular in many countries of the world after the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of health diplomacy in maintaining and continuing China's economic growth as the coronavirus spreads in the country and the world. The main question is how did health diplomacy help China maintain its economic growth while other countries struggled with a recession? The main hypothesis of the research is that the functions of health diplomacy, such as increasing relations with other states, restoring international prestige, creating opportunities for economic benefits through export development, etc., helped China to maintain its economy dynamic. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research and a library method was used for data collection. The findings show that China has achieved the following goals in the light of health diplomacy: it has gained new markets in developing countries; it has created international prestige for this country. It has portrayed a responsible and benevolent role from Beijing. As a result of these policies, the desire to buy health goods made in China increased in 2020, and China exports increased.

This study seeks to explain the effect of corruption on innovation in current scientific sources and conceptualizes the components and aspects of the effects of corruption on innovation for future research in this field.In this research, a meta-Synthesis method with qualitative content analysis strategy was used in the research-documentary framework, and by applying systematic review and qualitative meta-Synthesis approach, the results and findings of previous researchers were analyzed, and a conceptual model of the effects of corruption on innovation was presented.Based on the coding, the effective factors in the direction of the effects of corruption on innovation were analyzed and categorized into 44 main categories and 2 core codes. The positive consequences of corruption on innovation include 23 factors and its negative consequences include 21 factors. The results show that corruption in countries affects innovation and economic growth. The direction of these effects is sometimes positive and negative, but in the long run, this effect is negative.

Turkey, as one of the powerful economies in the Middle East witch has several economic relations with the world economic powers of the, such as the United States and China. United States and China, the article conducted with analytical qualitative method and using library data and articles that have already been written, as well as the classification of economic statistics and their analysis and the comparison of economic statistics with one another. and has been written, the findings indicate that in the past decade, Turkey's exports to the United States have been on the rise and Turkey's trade balance with the United States has been positive, but Turkey has not been able to succeed in exporting to China and imports In the past decade, Turkey's exports to China have been on average ten times that of Turkey's exports to China. Turkey's trade balance with China has been negative. We can conclude that China has been able to play a greater role in the markets of Turkey plays and practically during the last decade in China's markets Turkey has been more successful than the United States

National power refers to a concept in which governments determine the national, regional, and international Status of a country by utilizing their potential and actual material and spiritual resources, relying on their governance methods and leadership quality within society. After the Cold War, economic strength has become one of the most important pillars for strengthening the national power of countries. In this research, using an analytical-explanatory method and relying on written and online sources, we aim to answer the question: "Considering the relative importance of the economy in global and regional competitions and its increasing role in the national power of countries, why has the role of this significant factor been weak in Iran's national power?" The hypothesis put forward to answer this question is that "although the economy has been emphasized and attended to in Iran's macro-level policymaking, it has not been a priority in the implementation of the country's governance system." The examination of theoretical foundations and the role of the economy in Iran's national power indicates that the primary reason for the diminished role of the economy lies in the increased pressure of sanctions and threats, which prioritized military deterrence capabilities in the country. Furthermore, an idealistic approach to development and the mismatch between many program objectives and reality resulted in their failure, diminishing the role of the economy in the country's national power.

Israel's foreign policy has gone through significant pattern changes since its inception in 1948. Despite the direct support of the United States and Britain and other Western governments from the beginning until now, Israel's foreign policy has operated based on several behavioral patterns in different periods of time. In the beginning, the security problems and the issue of existential threats for this government caused it to go to war and conflict with the Arab countries of the Middle East region, but over time and affected by the environmental and internal conditions, especially the emergence of new subcultures and elites, its behavioral patterns in foreign policy also changed, and everything is no longer defined around conflict, deterrence and security. Economic development, especially the economy based on advanced technologies, has forced Israel to expand extensive relations with other governments and move toward de-escalation. Although it can be said that the structure of the international system and the great powers have also influenced Israel's foreign policy, what is central and preferable in its foreign policy is the issue of Jewish religion and ethnicity (the nature of the Israeli state) throughout the world, which is one of the Israel's unique features that considered among the actors of the international system. Therefore, in this article, we seek to answer the question: "The changes and developments that have taken place in Israel's foreign policy in different periods have been designed and implemented based on which behavioral patterns?" In response to this question, four important models can be mentioned based on which Israel's foreign policy is designed in relation to other countries, both in the Middle East region and in other parts of the world. These four patterns are: 1. Security-oriented (offensive and defensive), 2. Pragmatism without perspective, 3. Ethnocentrism and special attention to Jews outside Israel (diaspora), 4. Market and technology-oriented economy. In the current era, Israel's foreign relations are developed and implemented in a changing process based on the above models compared to other regional and international actors. This research, using documentary and library sources and descriptive-explanatory method, has been trying to investigate the factors affecting Israel's foreign policy and of course its changing behavioral patterns since its establishment until now.

The authentic culture of the Caucasus can be found in the handicrafts of this region, which is tied to the culture of Iran and shows the creativity, thought and taste of the people of this land. The diversity of climate, weather and culture was well reflected in the variety of handicrafts of the people of the Caucasus during the period of Tsarist Russia, which had a great impact on the family economy.With the occupation of the Caucasus in the territory of the Tsarist Russian Empire, the government's economic policies in the Caucasus, during the period of establishing the sovereignty were accompanied by many problems to determine the relationship of the South Caucasus with the governing body. Different points of view would fail and as a result, neither the central government nor the local government could pursue a coherent policy. Despite this, the Caucasus never found a better place than a reliable raw material depot for Central Russian industries.The first half of the 19th century until the peasant reforms in 1861 AD, handicrafts in the Caucasus in order to strengthen the regional economy, social welfare and restore the relationship between the people and the government, in line with the general policies of the government, found an opportunity for prosperity and active participation in domestic and international markets such as Nizhny Novgorod; To the extent that they do not dominate the sale of Russian products in the region and serve the central Russian industries to supply their raw materials, so that perhaps by changing their customs and traditions, they can become closer to the Russian culture. Handicrafts played a great role in the region's self-sufficiency, depending on the geographical conditions of the region to respond to the needs and solve them or provide welfare.With the peasant reforms of 1861, the economic conditions in the Caucasus underwent many changes and colonial policies became more apparent than before. The Caucasus became a largest warehouse of raw materials and a larger sales market for Central Russian industries. Handicrafts became the target of this policy and Caucasian family management gradually changed. At the end of the 19th century, the number of artisans decreased sharply, but instead, the prosperity of some crafts increased and because these industries had great economic values ​​for the benefit of the government, the government took steps to develop these industries.The South and North Caucasus had completely different conditions in terms of agriculture. Because the share of fertile agricultural land in the North Caucasus was more, agriculture flourished in this region and handicrafts were produced to the extent of their needs, but a large part of the land in the South Caucasus was made up of pastures, which had good conditions for ranching. For this reason, a lot of wool, silk and leather were produced in this region, and due to the lack of suitable land for agriculture and on the other hand, to fill leisure time in the cold season, handicrafts flourished. Research question: The main goal of this research is to answer the question of what role handicrafts played in the Caucasian family economy in the last century of Tsarist Russia.Research Hypothesis: Our hypothesis in this historical research is based on the fact that according to the agricultural and rural structure, climate diversity, available raw materials and socio-political conditions in the Caucasus under the Russian occupation, handicrafts by expanding the spirit of participation of family members and raising the level of employment and increasing per capita income bears a significant part of the economic burden. The current fundamental research is based on qualitative method of content analysis, the tool is historical data which is analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach. Although the tsarist Russian government could not have a coherent policy regarding the role of the Caucasus in the imperial policy, it turned the Caucasus into a reliable source of raw materials for Central Russian industries. From the point of view of the government, the development of handicrafts in the Caucasus was justified to some extent so that they would not dominate the sale of Russian products in the region and serve the industries of Central Russia. Despite this, the role of handicrafts in the family economy in the Caucasus was large, and it was a function of geographical conditions, people's lifestyle, access to primary resources, culture and politics, and according to geographical and cultural conditions, it had a lot of diversity and most people were engaged in several fields. In addition, handicrafts provided the opportunity for the participation of all family members in strengthening the family economy, and each family member at any age worked in a part of handicrafts depending on his abilities. People's employment during the cold season, when communication routes between villages and cities were closed, provided a very good opportunity to strengthen the Caucasian family's economy, which in addition to entertainment, also brought income. With the industrial development in the region, in the late 19th century and early 20th century, some handicrafts flourished in this region and became the main occupation of the people in the South Caucasus. The share of handicrafts in the family economy of the South Caucasus was higher than that of the North Caucasus, and it covered nearly one third of the living expenses of the families of the South Caucasus, which contributed more to their expenses in the conditions of war, unrest and drought.

The economics of crime is one of the interdisciplinary topics that entered economics after the 1970s with the efforts of Gray-Becker, and this science is trying to analyze the economic aspects of crime. The occurrence of crime as an undesirable social phenomenon has several economic and social causes, and due to the importance of the issue of crime, in different countries, in recent years, extensive studies have been conducted to identify and explain the causes of its occurrence. Identifying and explaining the causes of crime makes we reach the goal of prevention; because the costs of crime, especially the costs of punishment, including imprisonment, impose a heavy burden on the executive body. By identifying and preventing these factors, these costs can be reduced and spent on other priorities. In this article, the dimensions of the economy of crime in the analysis of the pluralism of punishment and its individualization have been investigated with a descriptive and analytical method.

The West Asia has always played a major role in the political changes and strategies of the great powers. In this region, there are several countries that of weak economic ties whose relations are mostly associated with the political conflicts. Many of these tensions have revolved around the formation of the state of Zionist Regime or in its relations with others. However, the "Abraham Accords" in 2020, could be a sign of the West Asia region entering a new phase, and this will have important dimensions and consequences in various areas of the region. In this article, we answer the question of what possible economic consequences the normalization of the UAE and Bahrain's relations with Zionist Regime will have for these countries. The article examines the economic conditions of the member states at the time of the formation of the Abraham Accords, and it discusses the economic opportunities and advantages of this pact for them. The findings show that this agreement will have great potential for the economic development of these countries in the field of civil aviation, tourism, science, technology and innovation, finance and investment, diamond trade, marine and energy industries, and health care of these countries. This article has been done by descriptive-analytical method and using library sources.

Justice and freedom are the basic concepts of human society, and the relationship between these two has always been the focus of political science thinkers. What is more than the case analysis of these problematic concepts, is the analysis of these two concepts in relation to each other, which has become the place for different opinions and different schools. One of the thinkers of the present age who does not consider the issue of justice as the basic axis of a religious society to achieve happiness is Mohammad Reza Hakimi. He, who is a follower of the separation school, put the center of gravity of his thought on the element of justice and considers all the political, social and economic relations of the Islamic government to be affected and consistent in the way he interacts with this element. What the author's opinion suggests is to examine the position of this element in relation to another concept such as freedom. Why, as societies become more complex, it becomes more difficult to talk about justice, freedom, and the relationship between the two in various areas of social life and macro-social structures. The importance of this issue raises the need to pay attention to Islamic and indigenous thoughts, which can pave the way for drawing a road map that is more suitable for the life and political life of Islamic societies. Based on this, in response to the question, what is the relationship between these two components in Allameh Hakimi's view? It can be said that in his view there is a direct and consistent relationship between the two elements of justice and freedom; In such a way that if there is no freedom, it will not be possible to achieve justice.

Iran and Afghanistan have the most cultural, linguistic, historical, civilizational and geographical links and commonalities; For this reason, the Islamic Republic of Iran has always tried to actively participate in the economic field of Afghanistan. However, the economic sanctions of the United States and the dependence of the Kabul government on this country have prevented the expansion of economic relations between the two neighboring countries, despite their great potential. Of course, from 1396 to early 1400, Iran was one of Afghanistan's major economic partners. In 2017, Iran took about 22% of Afghanistan's market share, and in 2019, this amount reached more than 40%. With the regaining of power of the Taliban in Afghanistan, a new opportunity has arisen for Iran to gain a greater share in the Afghan market and economy; Especially since Western countries have sanctioned Afghanistan; Therefore, increasing the amount of commercial and economic exchanges with the Taliban is considered an opportunity for Iran.