جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "تعامل گرایی" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

This article examines and studies Iran's political-security strategy in the Persian Gulf between 2018 and 2020. The main question of the article is: Iran's political-security strategy was formed under the influence of what factors in the mentioned period? The hypothesis of this article is as follows: Iran's political-security strategy in the Persian Gulf in the years 2018 to 2020 was a reaction to the maximum pressure mechanism of the United States and the withdrawal of this country from the JCPOA. The results of this research show that despite Iran's efforts during the first term of Rouhani's presidency to promote an interactive policy with the world and cooperation with the Persian Gulf countries, due to the new tension with the United States, Iran also adopted an asymmetric deterrence strategy in order to to neutralize America's aggressive and hostile policies. The research method in this article is qualitative and descriptive and analytical, and the data of the article has been collected from library sources and in the form of surveys.

The present article examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Khatami and Rouhani discourses. The main question of the article is what was the approach to de-escalation in Khatami and Rouhani discourses? The hypotheses that follow this question are as follows: De-escalation of tensions in both Khatami and Rouhani discourses has been the result of their realistic and pragmatic approach to foreign policy. The results of the research show that both discourses believed that the solution to Iran's problems and crises should be sought in improving Iran's image based on existing regional and international realities. Accordingly, both of them sought to put a review of strategies on the agenda while maintaining the basic principles and identity of Iran's foreign policy. Research method in the present study is the qualitative method (descriptive-analytical method) and the data were collected from library sources in the form of phishing.

Using analytical-descriptive method, this research seeks to answer the following questions: What is the social and institutional context of political Islam, and how did the emergence of this phenomenon in world politics affect international relations? In response to these questions, the parameters such as modernity, the nature of the political system, and the political, social and economic characteristics governing Muslim countries as well as the advent of the Islamic Revolution are viewed among the most important social and institutional roots of the rise of political Islam. Also about its effects on the international system this research emphasized the distinction between the behavior of the national governments and the subnational groups in pursuit of Islamist ideals and principles. It is argued that the more interactive approach is seen in the behavior of the Islamist national governments, and more confrontational behavior were manifested in the actions of the subnational groups. It is indicated that the Islamist demands and moves as long as they are susceptible to be pursued through the channels of the official actors of the international system tend to be more interactive. Conversely, due to incompatibility with the values and rules of the international system, the subnational groups struggle to challenge the international system that could lead to further international instability.

Coming on victorious of Hasan Rouhani in Iran’s presidential election and emergence of the so-called moderate movement, we are encounter with the new kind of action in field of domestic politics and foreign politics. In this way, interactions, multilateralism, break the isolations and break the international defeat caused by United Nations Security Council were among the most important foreign policy priorities. This approach has led to JCPOA in the first months after coming the 11th administration, which seemed to open up the foreign relations and to achieve a successful model of collective cooperation to solve the acute problem of world polices.
Hence, this research argue that the 11th government in its logic of action is largely influenced by multilateralism strategy and so. This logic of action is based on a particular worldview inspired by the religious and value insight of the internal political environment based on characteristic Anti-Hegemonic discipline. Thus, according to this research, the 11th government foreign policy can be analyzed in the framework of a kind of “anti-hegemonic multilateralism” foreign policy

In contrast to natural science that have contain few methodological controversies, human science is dominated by unrewarding disputes among various and contrasting views; Affording rival answers by positivism and hermeneutics (as two main traditions in philosophy of social science) to the question that “to what extent can society be studied in the same way as nature?”, form the main dimension of these disputes.
Positivists believe sciences are unified in their concordance with positivist principles, while hermeneutics has posited a cleavage in method between the natural and social sciences. Number of new traditions such as Critical Realism argues for Synthesis that overcomes this controversy.
This paper attempts to explain critical realism as much as possible. So the main question to be dealt with in the present research is: could critical realism give a synthesis that brings together main aspects of positivism and hermeneutics? Here in order to give appropriate answer to this question we start this research by looking briefly at positivism and hermeneutics and then move on to outline accounts of critical realism especially its bonds with natural and social science.

Different approaches about the national role of Iran's foreign policy and its orientation is presented since now. Some used "discourse formats”. On the other hand, a kind of attitude about the processes, "orientation" and "national role" of Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy is presented, which compared with discourse approaches, has a different approach. In between, a new approach has been considered that on one hand emphasizes Iran's interaction-oriented foreign policy and on the other hand, considers some manifestations of resistance against strategic threats. The indicators of interaction-oriented policy against dominating regime, is considered as signs of national role of Iran's foreign policy and its orientation. In this article, it has been tried to explain the outputs of I.R. Iran's foreign policy in the form of constructivism approach and emancipation school. The main question of this paper is about the national role and foreign policy orientation in I.R Iran. The hypothesis of this paper emphasizes some manifestations of interactions with productive forces and resistance against threatening actors.

National power does have several aspects including، military، political and social. However، for many observers، the ultimate criterion for national power lies in its military aspect. And one of the important issues in the field of military power is to study and recognize its effective elements and also possibility of measuring the military power of other countries. All relevant problems and difficulties in this field are similar to those of national power measurement. Certainly one or two special variables (like number of the Army staff or number of personnel of the missile launchers of a country) can not be considered as proper criteria to evaluate military power of the countries، so does a unified variable which is not able to provide a useful evaluation about national power in general. This paper studies the fact that what elements and variable can be employed in evaluation of military power and how much they are useful in evaluation and measurement of military power of other countries.