جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « توسعه گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

However, what is considered in these explanations are the beginning of Chinese developmentalism, in fact, the end of a long-term process in the evolution of the Chinese mentality. In other words, the emergence of a developmentalist attitude in China should not be separated from the historical context and the process of its development, and it should be attributed only to the 1970s and some institutional reforms or Deng Xiaoping personal traits. Inspired by Thomas Kuhn's scientific revolutions and the introduction of the concept of " attitude paradigm", and by process exploration, this article examines the characteristics and developments of the Chinese collective attitude and mentality, especially Chinese leaders, over the past two centuries and shows that developmentalist leaders' approach of China in the late 1970s actually originated from a change in the attitude paradigm that has its roots in the developments of the nineteenth century. This shift in the mental and attitude paradigm, first manifested among intellectuals and then among Chinese nationalist leaders in the first half of the twentieth century, created a kind of developmental mentality among the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party, although in Mao and Under the influence of the prevailing ideological atmosphere, there was no way to succeed, but in the late 1970s, following the emergence of domestic and external opportunities and the displacement of elites, it became possible to succeed.

During last 25 years, Central Asia’s stability has permanently witness with increasing difficult and complicated situation. All the countries of the region have experienced low or high pressures of nationalistic trends. Meanwhile appearance of domestic challenges, difficulties of the ear of independence, weakness in state- building and nation- building, spread of peripheral problems in the region, geopolitical vacuum, and finally activities of regional and international players especially after 9/11, have made very complicated the security sphere of Central Asia. In a such condition of cooperation and competition of foreign players, intervention of trans regional powers have a very deep impact on the regional security that could have positive or negative effects on these developments. This paper focus on this question that, “what are the opportunities for Iran and Turkey to play their role in the Central Asian security complex?” To answer this question, the authors first describe the security sphere pf Central Asia and use the theory of “Security Complex”. Then by analyzing Iran’s and Turkey’s capacities to play role in this context. The method of this research is descriptive- analytical.

Creating balance between utilizing the facilities of globalization for development, in conditions that globalization is the dominant paradigm on development on one hand and maintaining the revolutionary position and stances of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy on the other, is one of the main difficulties in the realization of the development of the country. Therefore, one of the questions in this regard is: Which pattern must the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran follow in order to maintain the Islamic and revolutionary identity of the Islamic Republic and at the same time be a factor and facilitator for utilizing the facilities of the international system in developing the country? The key to solve the dual enigma of developmentalism and being revolutionary in foreign policy depends on the extent of the role which we consider for the foreign policy in general and the opportunities of globalization in particular in development. The present article uses descriptive and analytical method and aims at presenting a model for solving the duality of being revolutionary and developmentalism in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results indicated that foreign policy in the matrix of the development of the country is not the necessary condition, rather the main solution for development is inclining towards internal capabilities, endogeneity and trying to create and actualize internal talents and capacities and the foreign policy as a catalyst must widen the doors of foreign facilities for strengthening the growth and development of internal capacities. In this case, the continuity of revolutionary acts in the foreign policy will face fewer barriers.

From the late 1980s, the development-oriented paradigm has become a dominant approach in China's foreign policy. Hereby, Beijing tries to absorb the international resources in its national economy. After four decades, the Chinese economy has made remarkable progress by applying peaceful interactive foreign policy. Beijing now has substantial oversea economic and political interests. Maintaining and expanding these interests are top priority in China's foreign policy. But pure emphasis on economy in foreign policy will not materialize the mentioned priority. China's fifth-generation elites are aware about this shortcoming. So in Xi Jinping's era, China's development-oriented foreign policy has faced with modifications. Therefore, this question comes up that how the range and continuity of China’s development-oriented foreign policy has been in the Xi Jinping period? Even though Xi Jinping has commitment to China's development oriented foreign policy; but it has attached with more Political-military assertiveness. This hypothesis will be tested in the framework of Adrian Leftwich developmental state theory as well as Robert Kagan’s theory on history. This research has been undergone by descriptive-analytic method.

Malaysia, as one of the most developed Muslim countries in East Asia, has become a developed country with a dramatic income growth in less than four decades. It has gone through the process of industrialization and activation as a productive economy and the process of industrialization and activation as it produces a productive economy and is still deepening it. Due to global developments, the country is currently active in many fields of production and creativity. It is unlikely that Mahatyr Mohammad’s era (1981-2003) is one of the main periods of the development of this country. He is an elite and thinker of development. The characteristic of the developmental elites is the firm determination to advance development, adhere to economic growth and development, and their ability to advance their goals. Reviewing the viewpoints of Mahatyr Mohammad represents the angle of thought of one of the most progressive leaders in the Muslims world. The present article seeks to study the main views of Mahatyr Mohammad as a developing thinker in order to extract and highlight the main veins of developmentalism in his thought.