جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "قطر" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Emotional analysis of international phenomena is a new approach in international relations, which is interpreted as an "emotional turn". This approach considers states as actors whose emotional motivations affect their actions and behaviors. The current research seeks to examine the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, focusing on the 2017-2021 crisis from an emotional perspective. Therefore, the question of the research is how Saudi emotional understanding of Qatar's regional behavior has affected the crisis in their relations in the period from 2017 to 2021. The authors present the answer to this question based on the assumption that Saudi Arabia has a special "dignity" and "credibility" for itself, and therefore expects "subordination" and "respect" from other Arab actors in the region. Based on this assumption, the article hypothesizes that the independent policies of Qatar and the change of Doha's policy from a subordinate actor to an active actor damaged Saudi Arabia's perception of itself as a state with high status and credibility and forced this country to adopt a policy punished against Qatar. In other words, Qatar's independent activism caused Saudi Arabia to see its status as an older brother in danger from a younger brother who violated his sanctity. As a result, this perception led to a crisis in the relations between the two countries in the mentioned period.

Today, with changing in the priorities of the diplomatic system of countries, strengthening the economic growth indicators has a higher priority than other goals. In many theories and definitions of globalization, the economic element of this process is emphasized and numerous theorists consider the dominant aspect of globalization to be economic. In general, in the era of globalization, economic diplomacy means the intersection of diplomacy and economic interests in line with national interests. Its successful application in the network of complex mutual relations will guarantee the provision of national interests only by presenting successful diplomacy. The purpose of this article is to investigate the dimensions and components of economic diplomacy of the Qatar government. The main question of this research is what is the economic diplomacy of the Qatari government and what dimensions and components does it have? In this research, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy as one of the special tasks of the government in the age of globalization, the specific experience of Qatar in this field is investigated and analyzed. The findings of the research show that the developmental government of Qatar, with a detailed understanding of global developments centered on the economy and by using its ability in the field of economic diplomacy, especially in the field of energy and based on a state-oriented economy, with an emphasis on economic diversification in the international arena in order to secure national interests, it has been very active and has taken effective and useful steps through investment in various fields and in different regions of the world and also in the field of attracting foreign investment and has shown a very successful model of himself in the field of economic diplomacy.

This article examines the patterns and trends of Qatar's foreign policy and its impact on Iran. And it is trying to answer the question: What are the most important models of Qatar's foreign policy and its effect on relations with Iran?
The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the library method and the study of sites were mainly used to collect information.
During the last decade, Qatar has emerged as an active actor in the Middle East and North Africa region. Based on the findings of this research, Qatar has tried to adopt four models, which are: emphasis on Islamic identity and media diplomacy. In the Islamic world, compliance with global capitalism and economic interdependence, paying attention to the structure of the international system (security, defense, and scientific-educational), intelligent balance, and active mediation. On the other hand, these policies have caused Iran to review its relations with Qatar when necessary.
Qatar's foreign policy has seen significant changes from 2011 to 2023, which have had significant effects on the country's relations with Iran. This period of time includes events such as the Arab Spring, the diplomatic crisis in the Persian Gulf, and changes in regional and international policies that have played an important role in the formation and evolution of relations between the two countries. Independence, soft diplomacy, and strategic investments have been among the important patterns of Qatar's foreign policy that have helped to strengthen the country's relations with Iran. However, regional crises and changes in international politics have also created challenges for these relations. In general, Qatar's foreign policies in this period have been able to maintain a complex balance in relations with Iran and exploit these relations as a tool to increase its regional influence.

India is one of the emerging powers of the world, which in the past decade has developed its relations with the countries of the West Asian region. The developments in West Asia since 2010 have presented India with important and serious problems in the formulation of its foreign policy in the Western region. In terms of coherent strategic choices, Asia faced the complex staircase of regional power competitions and the interventionist return of great powers and casting a shadow on the power game in the region.Most of India's relations with the Arab countries of the West Asian region have been expanded based on economic benefit, in such a way that more than 10 million Indians live and work in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and send more than 40 billion dollars to India annually. On the other hand, the Arab countries of the region are the biggest suppliers of energy needed by India.Although India is the largest democracy in the world, it has accepted the monarchy system in the Arab countries of the region as the principle of political stability. Despite some special principles of India's foreign policy, we have witnessed the movement of this country's foreign policy towards West Asia in the past 9 years.Therefore, the question arises, what position does the Arab pole of West Asia have in the foreign policy of the Narendra Moodi government? India's foreign policy is based on two diplomatic-strategic programs based on logic and bilateral economic benefits with the Arab pole of West Asia, whose ultimate goal is to establish stability in the entire West Asian region.

In the last decade, Qatar has emerged as an active actor in the regional and international arenas and has found a special place in power equations. One of the main tools of Qatar's foreign policy has been soft power. Through various instruments of soft power, including media, sports, culture, and diplomacy, Qatar has sought to enhance its image internationally and advance its foreign policy goals. Soft power tools included three main paths among the years studied in this research: Effective media diplomacy, government branding, and foreign aid. research question: What are the most important tools of soft power in Qatar's foreign policy between 2011 - 2023? research hypothesis: Based on the findings, it is assumed that Qatar has tried to take advantage of media diplomacy, foreign aid, and government branding, and due to this policy in the past years, it has been able to gain a special position in the region and the international system. Also, Qatar's use of soft power has had a positive effect on the country's relations with Iran. Qatari media such as Al Jazeera have become a platform for dialogue between Iran and Western countries.research method The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the library method and the study of sites were mainly used to collect information.

In today's world, sports diplomacy is considered as one of the most important factors for producing soft power for the countries. The purpose of this research is to compare the sports diplomacy of Iran and one of the countries of the Persian Gulf region, Qatar, which has made significant achievements in this field. The main question of this research is, what are the similarities and differences between the sports diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Qatar? This research was done by using a comparative method, and the method of collecting information is the library. The theoretical foundations of this research are based on Joseph Nye's soft power, as the use of sports diplomacy is one of the tools of soft power. The Findings of this research show that in the field of investment in sports, the country of Qatar has made huge expenses to promote sports diplomacy. While the state of investment and sports facilities and infrastructure in Iran is experiencing disorder. In terms of power and influence in international sports forums and in terms of obtaining the privileges of hosting world-class and prestigious competitions Qatar has more ideal conditions than Iran; But in winning international sports honors, Iran has performed better due to its large population compared to Qatar. In the field of sports development, Qatar has more significant progress and development than Iran, and finally, Qatar benefits from a better media power than Iran to promote sports diplomacy and gain soft power.

The relationship between trade and security is a concern for many international relations researchers, and numerous studies have been conducted on the mutual or separate effects of these two concepts on each other. However, this gap is still clearly visible in the case of Qatar. Therefore, the authors are looking to investigate this issue and answer the question "What impact have Qatar's trade actions had on its security from 2008 to 2020?" The research method is qualitative, using the sampling technique and explanatory approach to examine the causal effects of the variables under investigation. Data was collected through library-documentary methods and primary sources such as documents, reports, books, articles, and websites. Overall, the general aim of this research is to examine the impact of trade on the security of countries (a case study of Qatar). The theoretical framework of mutual dependence, which is one of the intellectual strands of liberalism, is used to clarify the subject. The overall results show that a significant portion of Qatar's current security has been achieved through reliance on the idea of mutual dependence and long-term development policies, as well as finding powerful political, economic, and cultural partners, and through economic diversification, which has led to military empowerment, economic stability and relative prosperity, and human and social development.

The model of economic convergence in the context of interactive - Dissipated political economy in today's world is a model of order in world politics, and the pursuit of such a model helps to power - maker, gain credibility and international weight of countries. Interaction-oriented and diffuse political economy Since the 2000s, Qatar political construction has emerged as an inevitable necessity for the production of regional-international power. This approach by Qatar's system of governance means that the country must act as a viable and balanced actor in regional and supra-regional communication cluster-building and networking to a stable economic and political relationship to secure international interests and prestige. The question now is how Qatar's model of political economy has functioned as a component of power generation in the international system, and what are the characteristics of this model? Using descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and examining Qatar's economic information, this study seeks to explain Qatar's interactive geoeconomics from the perspective of political economy as the basis for power-building the country in the international system. The results show that the interactive dimensions of Qatar's political economy seek adaptation and self-expansion in the international system.

Qatar is one of the smallest countries of the Persian Gulf region, and has made considerable advances due to exporting liquefied natural gas (LNG). There exist a few studies on Qatar, but very few, on her LNG export to the British market. The main questions of concern here consist of: What are the policies and frames of Qatar energy actors in the British LNG market? and in which frame have they acted effectively? It is hypothesized that Qatar pursues her profit-interest and follow business frame. In this article the Erving Goffman’s frame analyses theoretical framework is applied in assessing the opportunities and constraints of Qatar energy actors in the Britain LNG market in their geographical resources, economic, institutional and environmental frames’ contexts. The result of this research is in applying a multi-disciplinary approach in assessing the complexities of LNG in the subject market. The findings indicate that Qatar has gained high LNG revenues and developed her socio-economic conditions, with less interest on the environmental issues. The tool for data collection is library and internet sources, and the qualitative research method is descriptive-analytical.

Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has used diversification in the economy in the framework of the knowledge-based economy model is Qatar. Emphasizing the convergence between government, industry and academia in a systemic cycle, the country seeks to increase its political power while changing approach to the hydrocarbon political economy, and as an adaptive actor has multiple options for empowerment and lays the groundwork. Become a modern developmental government. The Purpose of this article is to answer the question to what extent does the knowledge-based economy, as a new and empowering approach to economics and politics, play a role in creating a compatible development-oriented government in Qatar? The research hypothesis is that Qatar government, Will emphasizing the knowledge-based economy, Economic diversification approach and the model of Niche Diplomacy in Foreign Policy to build a Developmental State has followed. To test this hypothesis, the subject is placed in the conceptual context of knowledge-based economics theory. The method of data collection is library and the method of research descriptive-analytical. Based on the hypothesis test, the research findings show that Qatar has adopted a new developmental ecosystem to produce power and wealth simultaneously with the knowledge-based economy approach.The Persian Gulf region has always had many valuable natural reserves such as oil and gas due to its geo-economic position, and the countries of the region have a hydrocarbon political economy due to these geo-economic drivers. In recent years, some countries in the region, such as Qatar, in order to diversify their economic models, transition from a single-product economy and reduce the vulnerability factor, have developed new strategies and perspectives for the development and change of economic approaches, and are trying to apply the knowledge-based economy model as a model and the new alternative has been a development with international perspectives. The focus of Qatar's leaders and internal institutions to change the approach of a single-product and oil political economy to a knowledge-based economy that includes cooperation between industry, academic institutions and the government has been established in the country's upstream documents and visions, such as the Qatar National Vision 2030 document. The path of development in a region with chaos and tension and emerging as an effective regional and international order-making power has been taken into consideration from this point of view.MethodologyThe present Article through an analytical process method, and Data collected based on the library one.Result and DiscussionConsidering the problem of improving the potential of their political economy, Qatari statesmen have offered programs based on good governance model and participation at regional levels as a peace-making mediator, in order to generate wealth in the economy, produce power in foreign policy and apply an adaptive model. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision.ConclusionThe findings show that the patterns of political economy are evolving and based on those countries have achieved new models of development. Today, Qatar in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East region has created a new level of development for the transformation of the State institution by emphasizing the knowledge-based political economy. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision. The approach of Qatar's knowledge-based economy, along with generating wealth in the field of economy, includes political activism in regional and international foreign policy.

The crisis in Qatar's political relations with Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries occurred on June 5, 2017, following the remarks of the Emir of Qatar about the importance of Iran and its interaction, and the severance of diplomatic relations between four Arab countries centered on Saudi Arabia and Qatar. In the wake of the crisis, the Trump administration took a moderate stance, encouraging Qatar to accept Saudi terms, especially on relations with Iran, and making extensive diplomatic efforts to reduce the crisis. Tillerson, Pompeo, and other State Department officials evoked a sense of inaction and lack of seriousness at the end of the crisis between the two countries in pursuit of US strategic interests in the region.With the defeat of Trump in the 2020 presidential election and the efficiency of the Democrats and the change of priorities in the Persian Gulf region, and especially in relation to Iran, it seems that the Biden administration's performance in the crisis of Saudi-Qatari relations is different from the Trump administration. Can be seen in changing the level of crisis and reducing tensions

ISIS is the short name of the terrorist group of extremist Islamists in Iraq and the Levant. During the growth of ISIS, Syria has been a suitable platform for the growth and declaration of caliphate of this group due to its internal developments. With the start of the internal crisis in Syria, the role of some regional actors for the growth of ISIS and the deepening of this crisis is justified. The regional actors involved in the developments in Syria, including the Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, used different policies against ISIS in Syria. These countries used different policies and tools to support ISIS. Contrary to Saudi Arabia's claim of rejecting terrorism and its types, we always see the use of this issue in the policies of this country in the region and its developments. Along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, as a small country, is very interested in expanding its influence on regional developments by using the tools of terrorism and Islamic extremism. One of the most important issues in the past few decades is the issue of the threat of terrorism, which is increasing in importance in political literature and international relations every day. Meanwhile, the Middle East region is very important. This region, due to the birthplace of Islam and its countries being Islamic, and most importantly, the extreme and deviant views of some Islamic groups on the Islamic religion, has caused us to witness extreme thoughts and ideologies and the emergence of various Islamic terrorist groups. After the terrorist incident of September 11, 2001 by the Al-Qaeda terrorist group, the Middle East region has faced many security challenges, the effects of which have long remained in the minds of the governments and especially the people of this region. Among the other terrorist groups formed in this region is the ISIS group, which research and investigation in the process of fundamental formation and existential philosophy of this terrorist movement is the ideology of Salafi jihadism   Most of the activity of this group has been concentrated in Syria and parts of Iraq. Syria is an important country that is always of special importance in the world of politics. So that it is considered as the Achilles heel of the Middle East region.  With the beginning of political unrest in Syria due to the protests of March 2011, which was caused by the political developments in the Arab countries, ISIS declared its existence as the most powerful terrorist group in the history of the Middle East. Kurdistan and by declaring and claiming the establishment of an Islamic government in Syria and cities from Iraq and by implementing measures, or better to say some crimes against humanity, it has placed its name at the top of the media and international news. During the rapid growth of ISIS and the deepening of the crisis in Syria, in addition to internal destabilizing factors, some external sources of support have made ISIS strong in this country. Also, the developments in Syria have provided a suitable platform for the exploitation of regional actors, including the Arab countries, led by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, which have used different policies and strategies in the form of support packages for the ISIS group in Syria, with Wahhabi Salafism becoming an official and political religion. Saudi Arabia (Alrebh, 2017: 28-279). This country has been at the forefront of supporting Salafi-Wahhabi groups, and all Sunni jihadist groups, ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Al-Nusra Front, are ideological children of Wahhabism that Saudi Arabia has injected into various countries . Along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, unlike many Small countries have a great desire to expand their influence on developments abroad and always openly support moderate Islamic groups and sometimes with Islamic extremist thoughts. This country has had relations with groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Taliban . With the spread of unrest in Syria and the beginning of the political crisis, at first the role of internal factors seemed prominent, but a deeper look at this crisis shows that in addition to internal forces, external factors and sources of influence have intensified and deepened the Syrian crisis. So that after gaining power and declaring the self-proclaimed caliphate of the terrorist group Daesh in Syria, this country became the arena of conquest and exploitation of the policies of foreign actors. The main factor in the expansion of internal developments in Syria and turning it into a regional and international crisis is the strong presence of foreign actors and their alignment in this crisis. Each of the foreign actors involved in the crisis are looking for their own policies and interests. Accordingly, Saudi Arabia and Qatar are among the most important actors involved in the developments in Syria. Considering their political structure and identity, these two countries are looking for special political goals and interests in Syria, and at the beginning of the crisis, they confronted the government of this country and put the fall of Bashar al-Assad's government on the agenda of their foreign policy. At the beginning of the Syrian crisis and its developments, these countries provided extensive support to ISIS in various diplomatic, media, financial and logistical fields. The entry of these two actors in the Syrian crisis caused the prolongation of the civil war and played a destructive role and spread the war. The fact that Saudi Arabia and Qatar are on the same front shows that Riyadh and Doha agree against Bashar al-Assad. But this shared opinion does not mean complete unity and sharing of these two countries and they have had differences in goals with each other. The findings of the article show that the two countries of Qatar and Saudi Arabia differed on how to support ISIS and the difference in goals. So that Qatar's goal is to form an Ikhwani government in the Arab Middle East region, but Saudi Arabia's attitude in supporting the ISIS terrorist group is to confront Bashar al-Assad's government close to Iran and prevent Iran's regional hegemony and confrontation with Shiite intellectual foundations in the Middle East. Based on this, it can be said that the policy and performance of these two countries in the developments in Syria, despite many similarities, have slight differences and in some cases they are formal. Saudi Arabia and Qatar have played an undeniable role in strengthening and expanding ISIS in Syria. The main policy of these two countries in supporting ISIS has been to bring down and end the existing political system in Syria, weaken rival countries (Iran) in the Arab world and expand their influence in the region.

The Kingdom of Qatar is one of the leading Islamic countries in the field of development, which has so far drafted two national development strategy documents for the period 2011-2016 and 2018-2022. On the other hand, given the growing influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the structure of politics and power in this country, the purpose of this article is to provide an analytical answer to the question of how the Brotherhood's Islamist model played a role in shaping Qatar's national development model.

Given that the Muslim Brotherhood in Qatar has refused to publish many of its strategic documents and the Brotherhood in Qatar is in a position like a black box, therefore, the exploratory aspect of the article will be prominent. The article uses an analytical-descriptive method to provide a detailed description of how the Brotherhood's Islamist reading influences the construction of a local model of development in Qatar.

The findings of the study indicate that the Brotherhood thought in five areas: "approach to religion", "approach to progress", "religious foundations of progress", "examples of religion in the pattern of progress", and "the role of ecology on the pattern of development" is influential in building a model of development in this country and is trying to provide a model of bio-faith compatible with bio-modern requirements to other Islamic societies.

It seems that the Brotherhood leaders in Qatar are trying to introduce Qatar as a model in the field of Islamist reading and thus help it to spread to other parts of the Islamic world.

The Soft Power is one of the Power shapes in international relations.The Soft Power strategies generally are based on peaceful solutions and instruments for the management of controversies and economic cooperations. In contrast, Hard Power strategies are based on military intervention, violent diplomacy, and economic sanctions. The Soft Power components and areas includes Economics. Next to this theme, Human Development is one of the most new and famous theories of development that accepted by international institutions and centers. In this theory, human is crucial, and final goal for development and state have a active role in improvement development approach. To day, one of the indicators for determine level of the counties development in national and international reports, is human development index. In this treatise, compare Iran and Qatar Human Development level, and study cause of differents in this framework. This research try to explain process of change in two countries.

Modern sport has been dramatically internationalized and the strategic, conscious and purposeful use of sport by countries to create interaction, information and positive indexing and increase international credibility to increase activism and pursue foreign policy goals can be attributed to related on sports diplomacy. Sport has a positive role as one of the tools in diplomacy and politics. Sports diplomacy has become a tool for governments to use to improve their positions and credibility. Therefore, it is important to address the issue that in addition to military or political power, there are other and less costly ways in which countries can achieve their goals. Qatar is one of these countries that, despite its special geographical location, is using this type of diplomacy to achieve its regional and international goals. In this regard, the main question of the forthcoming article was how sports diplomacy affects Qatar's international prestige. Using descriptive analytical method, it is hypothesized that Qatar has been able to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup through sports diplomacy, with four components: becoming an important regional player, an important opportunity for public diplomacy and power. Soft, participation in peace and security and attracting public opinion, play a serious role for itself and ultimately increase its international prestige and prestige.

Foreign policy is the authoritarian result of assigning values ​​in dealing with each other, which in a political unit uses a set of capabilities and capabilities to increase the productivity of desirable norms and standards in the foreign dimension. The political process no longer takes place in a vacuum, but is the result of the context, context, and social, cultural, geographical, and economic conditions specific to these countries. The study of countries' foreign policy is usually done with emphasis on several components. What is the impact of the crisis in the relations between Qatar and Saudi Arabia on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Persian Gulf region? The findings of the study indicate that the crisis in Qatar-Saudi Arabia relations has strengthened the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Persian Gulf region.Key word:Foreign Policy, Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Crisis

Qatar is a modest but influential country in the Middle East that has evolved into a remarkable determinant that could leave crucial impacts upon the region's fate. Qatar's role has been distinguished from other regional actors in terms of foreign policy and new diplomacy in the region. Qatar's motives for adopting a mediating foreign policy are defined as maintaining its security and stability in areas with tense geography, contending and evading conflict by declaring for one of the parties, ambition to extend its influence as a regional determinant, particularly against Saudi Arabia, and as a bargaining chip in the international community. The question, “what is the impact of Qatar-US relations on the security of the Persian Gulf region?” has been raised to conduct this study, composed in a descriptive-analytical manner. Accordingly, the results of the study designate that Qatar's leaning towards the United States arises from its sense of insecurity and the fact that the United States acts as an advocate for Qatar in the region. Furthermore, Qatar's role in the political equation signifies that other conventional sources of power that include land, population, and military might, are not the sole forms of power, and novel sources such as the media, norms, and cultivating a brand can similarly serve as sources of power.

With the severance of ties between Saudi Arabia and several countries in the region with Qatar in 2017, the Persian Gulf region entered a complex political crisis. Analysts cite several reasons for the crisis; In the meantime, these measures seem to be, above all, the result of Doha's success in its foreign policy and its emergence as an important regional player alongside traditional Middle Eastern actor. In response to the question of how Qatar's use of soft power in foreign policy has affected the formation of the Gulf crisis, in this article we found that the Qatar government has been using soft power as an effective tool of politics since 2011. It is independent of the traditional powers of the region.Qatar is one of the countries that has been able to increase its importance and influence from a small country and a particle to an active level in the region and even effective participation in international coalitions in recent years, especially after 2011, and has played a role beyond its position and capacity, It has been able to play an active role at the regional level while ensuring its security and stability. The extent of events in the geographical area of ​​the region indicates the influence of Qatar's foreign policy. In fact, given the inherent vulnerability of this country, including low population and manpower, small size and small Gulf countries under the protection of Saudi Arabia and its two strengths, namely wealth and media, we can say that this country has been able to achieve many successes. In recent years. In the last decade, Qatar has been able to make good use of its soft power components, such as funding, powerful tools of Al Jazeera television, active public diplomacy and strong ties with world powers, and despite its power constraints, it has emerged as a major regional player.. Of course, this active presence in regional crises and trends has also caused problems for this country, such as the severance of political relations and economic sanctions by several Arab countries in the region in 2017, which is referred to as the Persian Gulf crisis. According to many experts, the crisis in Qatar's relations with these countries is the result of its success in foreign policy and its transformation into an influential actor alongside other traditional actors in the region, including Saudi Arabia and the Foreign policy in which soft power is one of the most important tools. The question is, what tools and capacities does Qatar use to benefit from soft power? And what effect does Qatar's success have in using soft power tools which created a crisis in its relations with other Arab countries in the region? In this research, by descriptive-analytical method and with the assumption that Qatar accurately and calculated use of soft power tools, as one of the main reasons for the success of the country's foreign policy and consequently one of the main differences in Doha's relations with Riyadh and other Arab countries sanctioning Doha, let us analyze the reasons for the formation of these differences. It is important to answer this question in the light of the fact that research on the crisis in Saudi-Qatari relations has so far failed to address the extent to which Qatar enjoys soft power and its impact on the formation and intensification of the crisis.According to Joseph Nye, soft power has always been an important element of leadership. Leadership is intertwined with power, and leaders must have accurate estimates of the types of power they use. "Power has never been created from barrels of gunpowder," says Nye, a leader who ignores the importance of soft power. For a country like Qatar with low hardware capabilities, because of its small size and population, using soft power tools is the best choice to advance foreign policy. In general, the security forces, the traditional and great powers of the region, which themselves are competing with other great regional and supra-regional powers in order to advance the goals of national foreign policy, do not accept the presence of emerging powers. Qatar's entry into regional games, especially after the Islamic Awakening, and its success in advancing its goals through tools such as active diplomacy, the use of media, alliances with regional and supra-regional opposition poles, and financial support for opposition groups in any case. With the foreign policy of the traditional powers in the region, caused tensions between the country and Saudi Arabia. Of course, what happened in the form of the severance of relations between Saudi Arabia and several Arab countries with Qatar in 2017 was, above all, due to the ideological divide between the Salafis and the Brotherhood between the two countries. The division, which has manifested itself in the form of financial and media support, especially after 2011 in Qatar's support for Hamas in Gaza, Morsi in Egypt, pro-Turkish armed groups in Syria and Libya. Tensions that escalated into a political and economic crisis on the part of Saudi Arabia and several other countries eventually led to the severance of diplomatic relations. Investigating the causes of the crisis in Qatar-Saudi Arabia relations, some of which are referred to as the Persian Gulf earthquake, as well as looking at the conditions that these countries have set for the lifting of sanctions against Qatar, confirms well that Saudi Arabia wants to cut off soft power. Qatar is thereby removing the country from the regional equation as an emerging rival. This is primarily due to Qatar's success in using soft power tools to make it an important player in the tense Middle East region, as well as the importance of soft power as a powerful and effective tool in foreign policy, away from traditional power principles such as military sophistication and Shows large crowds.

In recent years, relations between Saudi Arabia and Qatar have shifted from cooperation and interaction to confrontation. The Disputes that seriously affected their relations after the evolution in the Arab world in 2011 until their severance in 2017. Despite the resumption of relations after the Al-Ula meeting in January 2021, the two sides have not been able to normalize their relations. The hostility between Doha and Riyadh at the neighborhood and regional levels can be analyzed based on structural theories propositions. Because the two actors' different perceptions of Islamic and Arabic identity and tribal social construction have acted as a key element in the consolidation or divergence of the two. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is "how the perception of Saudi Arabia and Qatar on national and regional issues has led to a change in the political pattern of relations in the two time periods (2017-2011) and (2021-2017)? In this regard, the hypothesis is that, the different perceptions of Saudi Arabia and Qatar of political Islam, their role in the regions and inter-family rivalries, have led them to challenge each other in the field of identity, territorial and regional issues. The present research is of descriptive-analytical type and the required information has been collected by library and internet methods.

In this research by using two theories namely structure- agency and needs pyramid of Maslow, has been tried to answer this question: what are achievements and challenges of impediments of political liberalization in Qatar from 1995 onward? The research hypothesis is, Qatar society has been seen some achievements and primitive political liberalization such as in media sphere specially in Aljazeera satellite network, nearly competitive election, primitive expression freedom and reformation in constitution and parliament. But nevertheless have been had serious challenges in this process due to structural reasons such as absence of serious political willingness in sovereignty for deep and comprehensive reformation, socio-political conservative structure, mootness of strong traditional and cultural norms and non- structural reasons such as: weakness of civil agents and assemblies and priority of more people’s welfare-subsistence needs to political liberalization. The main finding of this article follows that: in spite of non-denying of some reformation and primitive political liberalization, this country has had more gap with real and consolidated democracy due to structural challenges and impediments and non- structural one’s among of agents and citizens.