c. a. iran

In today's world, sports have a lot of interaction with domestic and international politics; Therefore, the aim of this research is to analyze the political challenges of women's sports competitions in Islamic countries. This research is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive and mixed in terms of data collection. The sampling method was purposeful and accessible. The statistical population of the research included all sports science experts, political science experts and professors, sociology professors, coaches, referees, and athletes in the country; In the first stage of the research, these challenges were identified by interviewing 25 people from the statistical population. In the second and third stages, the challenges identified in the interview section were examined by the Delphi group (25 people); In these two stages, the challenges that had at least 70% positive answers remained for the next stage. In the final stage, the factors identified in the previous three stages were ranked using a five-choice Likert questionnaire. After collecting, it was examined and analyzed using the TAPSIS technique. The results showed that uprisings in Bahrain, Yemen and Syria, Egypt, Tunisia and other Islamic countries, Iran's support for the Arab Spring or Islamic Awakening in Arab countries, and Saudi Arabia's fear of issuing the Islamic Revolution in other Muslim countries were the most important. The political challenges of women's sports in Islamic countries are. According to the findings of the study, it is suggested to the authorities to address the challenges that sport diplomacy can have the necessary and

The widespread and systematic presence of Christian missions in Iran goes back to the Safavid period. Protestant evangelical missions also came to Iran from the Qajar period with the aim of propagating Protestant Christianity. Among the Protestant missionaries in Qajar Iran, the American missionaries were older and more powerful. For this reason, they were able to be present and active in Iran for a long time. One of the ways to explain the performance of Christian missions is to examine their intellectual and ideological foundations. The present study aims to explain the ideological foundations of the American evangelical missions in Qajar Iran with the historical-analytical method and using library sources, and then examine its effect on their evangelistic approach in Qajar Iran and answer the question why American missionaries spread Christianity in Qajar Iran by creating a network of schools, hospitals and service centers. The results of the research show that the American missionaries, based on their own ideological foundations, Christianized the Iranian society through civilization. They started the civilization and westernization plan with tools such as schools, hospitals and publications, and they followed this method until the end of their presence in Iran and expanded it.

Parties are poweroriented politicalorganizations that, under guidance of their leaders, act with the intention of gaining, maintaining-and increasing power. Paying attention to different generations of parties in European andAmerican countries shows the upwardtrend of these organizations' use of politicaldoctrines to meet publicdemands. Although in recent years, with the expansion of socialnetworks andthe proliferation of education and trainingresources, the position of politicalparties in the intellectual and emotionalleadership of publicopinion has declined, but weare still witnessing therole of these social and political intermediary institutions in politicalcampaigns, especially electioncampaigns.
In contemporaryIran, as one of the politicalunits established in the internationalsystem and based on the democraticsystem, the role and position of parties in the electionprocess - although with differences compared to the westerncountries - is more or less defined in the samedirection. Therefore, the recognition of these politicalorganizations as the most important politicaldrivers in the country is of serious importance and is undeniable for the reform and improvement of the electionsystem in the IslamicRepublicof Iran. The main question of the article is whats the role and function of politicalparties and organizations in theWest andIran from thepoint of view parliamentary electioncampaigns? In response to this hypothesis, it canbe proposed that therole and function of parties in theWest seems more desirable, while Iranianparties are able to perform their specialtasks, including mediating between the society and the politicalsystem, aggregating and transferring the demands of the society to the politicalsystem, and justifying the society. They aren't for the implementation of systempolicies, politicalsocialization, voter mobilization, training of leaders and politicalcadres.

The governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran must align with its legitimizing discourse and demonstrate a coherence between this theory and practical governance. However, governance in Iran often wavers and oscillates between liberal and religious discourses. No political system can achieve long-term legitimacy through governance frameworks that are inconsistent with its core discourse. Therefore, this study aims to explore the concept of freedom within Iran's governance pattern. The Islamic Revolution in Iran achieved victory with the key slogan 'Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic,' yet some supporters see freedom as a disruptive concept and are unwilling to embrace it. On the other hand, critics often accuse this pattern of being in conflict with the notion of freedom.Here, we try to demonstrate the desirability of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to answer the question, "What is the philosophy of freedom in this governance pattern, and why is it desirable?" The aim is to prevent theoretical mistakes in the discourse. Given the prevailing influence of liberalism and its discursive demands, in the absence of an alternative Islamic theory, it risks imposing itself on Iran's socio-political structure. Therefore, elucidating the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic helps prevent incorrect theoretical and practical choices in governance.

In this study, a "descriptive-analytical" approach was used for data collection through the "documentary" method. The data analysis was performed using the qualitative method of "text-based hermeneutics.

This paper presents a coherent and interconnected discursive framework that reflects the philosophy of freedom and the intricate balance between the dos and dont's in this context. Firstly, it discusses Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation), demonstrating that from an ontological perspective, the belief in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) and God's system of reward and punishment necessitate human freedom, as freedom is essential for "spiritual trial." Additionally, within the Islamic Revolution's discourse on anthropology, the belief in human "free will" and the "inherent nature of freedom" make freedom a valued concept. Thus, in religious rules, freedom is defined as liberation from servitude to anyone other than God and liberation from tyranny and oppression. In this regard, freedom is understood as a "right," "duty," and "value."

 Conclusion:

In the Islamic philosophy of freedom, "Tawhid" (monotheism) stands as the central principle and foundation. There is a seamless connection between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation), forming a unified system. This linkage in Shiism is established through the belief in the intrinsic goodness and badness of actions. Such a belief ensures that the moral quality of actions is rational and aligned with Nizam-e-Takwin, creating an integrated order where the dos and don'ts are interconnected.In this framework, the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran is rooted in "Tawhid" (monotheism) principles. Freedom is regarded as a "right," "duty," and "value." This signifies that freedom is valuable because it is an inherent right. Furthermore, respecting and advocating freedom is a religious duty, which enhances its desirability. Additionally, freedom is recognized as a religious virtue. According to the Islamic worldview, humans possess free will and an innate inclination toward freedom. The system of rewards and punishments in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) also necessitates human freedom, as the possibility of a spiritual trial depends on it, thus making the system logical.Overall, this paper seeks to illustrate the philosophy of freedom within a cohesive and integrated system, emphasizing the link between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation) in the context of freedom. This represents a significant innovation in the study.

Political and social developments in the international arenas have fundamentally changed the attitude towards development at the world level, and its main components have shifted from mere economic growth to other aspects of development, including political, cultural and social development, and a new concept called "social capital" has emerged. The development topics were of interest to the thinkers and it was proved that social capital can create a sense of trust, cohesion and security through creating connections and forming social networks over time. It has created among a nation and has increased the participation of citizens in various affairs of the society, which can be a huge capital and a solid support for the government in spreading the process of all-round development. The purpose of this research is to explain and analyze the impact of social capital and the relationship of its basic components with progress and development in Iran, especially that one of the reasons for the complicated economic situation in our country is the low level of social capital. Based on the findings of this research, i.e. the correct understanding of the category of social capital and the improvement of its quantitative and qualitative indicators, especially the building of trust among the members of the nation and in order to achieve common social norms, we can hope for more success in the implementation of the development programs of our country. This article is based on a combination of descriptive-analytical methods, collection of library information and available statistics.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, centered around China, has a dynamic and growing position in the international economy in terms of economic, investment, and trade dimensions. With Iran's full membership in the organization, significant non-economic, economic, and commercial mutual benefits can be achieved. This study aims to answer the questions regarding the past performance and future outlook of intra-regional and extra-regional trade within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Iran's position. Has the trade transformation over two decades since the organization's formation and the accession of several countries been due to trade creation or trade diversion? The main objective of the article is to evaluate the effectiveness and success of the economic convergence of the members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Iran. For this purpose, two major criteria of regional convergence—“homogeneity and similarity of economic indicators” and “degree of trade convergence”—have been examined and measured for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its members during the period of 2000-2020. The results indicate that during the studied period, the gap and range of per capita income for some countries have decreased, while for others, it has increased, and homogeneity and similarity of development indicators have not occurred for all members of the organization in the long term. Additionally, the increase in the share of intra-regional trade of the organization and Iran has not aligned with their international trade development, and the development and deepening of intra-regional trade have not only failed to lead to the development of Iran's international trade but have also resulted in trade diversion. The analysis of the results suggests that the lack of development in intra-regional trade is due to Iran's weak trade structure, and currently, the possibility of developing intra-regional trade and Iran's convergence with the organization seems weak. However, with the development and enhancement of Iran's economic-trade structure, the opportunity to benefit from convergence will be provided.

Strategic thinking is the today's need of‏ ‏organizations, especially military ‎organizations. In order to create innovative and effective strategies, ‎commanders of the armed forces of the ‎Islamic Republic of Iran should be familiar with the skills of strategic ‎thinking. In order to develop ‎strategic thinking, its basics need to be identified and localized according ‎to the needs of the armed forces, so as to develop the use of this form of ‎thinking by high-level commanders and managers in formulating strategies, ‎and this will be extended to the employees as well. In this regard, the ‎purpose of this research is to explain the basics of strategic thinking from ‎the point of view of commanders and managers of the highest levels of the ‎armed forces. This is an applied-developmental research that was ‎prepared with a qualitative approach and a case-based method in 3 parts. ‎In the first part, library studies were conducted on the six foundations of ‎revelation, transmission, the thought of Imams, philosophical, intellectual ‎and scientific, and then interviews were conducted with 9 experts in this ‎field at the level of the armed forces. In the last stage, after coding the ‎data, its results in a focus group of 10 people with the presence of ‎professors and commanders of the project and the number of 91 open ‎codes, 22 central codes and 7 selective codes (success in the mission, ‎striving for excellence, perfectionism, thinking in the divine system, ‎foresight, achieving intuition by understanding concepts and creativity) ‎were confirmed.‎

The aim is to examine the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in securing the security of the South Caucasus with an emphasis on the Republic of Azerbaijan. This research is a qualitative and phenomenological analysis. The statistical population consists of university professors and specialists of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Participants were selected and answered questions with exploratory interviews in a targeted and data saturated method. This study showed that the scientific, cultural, economic, social and geopolitical cooperation between the two countries has not been sufficiently prosperous and Iran's security policy is based on geopolitical and economic interests and considerations, based on extroverted balancing, active defense and interaction and presence. Effective and powerful and the security strategy is connected to each other. The Islamic Republic of Iran does not have sufficient environmental knowledge and analysis of the new conditions of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and due to the involvement of extra-regional countries, it does not have a suitable option for security policymaking, especially in the fields of energy (oil and gas) in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the two countries are moving in opposite directions. They do not agree with each other in international relations, and they do not have military cooperation and agreements with each other. In the field of removing extra-regional forces, especially Israel from the South Caucasus region and the Republic of Azerbaijan, due to the support of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Armenia, our country has not achieved significant success.

After the conquest of the Islamic revolution of Iran in 1357, the codification of the constitution and its approval was one of the first necessities that the political society of Iran confront. In this regard, the idea of ​​developing an Islamic economic system was seriously raised among the constituent members of the Assembly of Constitutional Law Experts, in line with the view of Imam Khomeini (RA). Therefore, the purpose of this article is to delve into the opinions of constitutional law experts regarding the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the Islamicization of the country's economic system. The method of descriptive and analytical research with special reference to the details of the 1358 constitution negotiations in the field of principles 43 and 44 of the constitution, taking into account the views of Imam Khomeini (RA) is to answer the question that "the views of the experts of the constitution are in line with the Islamic nature of the initial principles of To what extent was the fourth chapter influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran and aligned with the views of Imam Khomeini (RA) in this field? Based on this, the research hypothesis is also explained as follows: The drafters of the 1358 Constitution accepted the Islamic nature of the economic system, although with inconsistent and in some cases different readings. Following the detailed discussion of the initial principles of the fourth chapter of the constitution brought with it the conclusion that the unfavorable performance caused by the policies of the previous regime in the field of economy was the most basic factor that led to the Islamization of the economy from the perspective of the framers of the constitution. The attitude of the parliamentarians of the final review in the field of the economic system ruling the country often tends towards its Islamic side and the expensiveness of the public sector. However, some also suggested the establishment of an economy based on private property with Islamic infrastructure.

In recent decades, efforts have been made by the international community as well as at the regional and national levels to manage climate change. In terms of managing this phenomenon, the European Union follows a comprehensive program (European Green Deal) in its list of priorities. The final goal and innovation of this descriptive-analytical article is to present a local model based on the above agreement in Iran. With this main question, is Peyman Sabz able to be localized in our country, considering the climatic conditions and other special conditions of Iran? And the assumption that although the Green Pact is capable of extraterritorial implementation and the legal frameworks of our country support such a model to deal with climate change, but due to the different conditions governing the European Union and Iran, it is simply not possible to model it in our country. As a result, despite the comprehensiveness of this design, it cannot be used as an Iranian version. Climatic differences, the level of technology, the resources of Europe and Iran and finally the huge costs of implementing this plan in our country, especially due to the financial and technical limitations caused by sanctions, make its implementation face serious challenges. Nevertheless, it seems that this plan can be considered as an ideal horizon that can be modified in the native conditions of Iran.

Development programming in Islamic Republic of Iran, like other developing countries, is aiming the growth and progress, especially in the economic dimensions, which requires equipping resources inside and acquiring resources from abroad. Therefore, it is a very important prerequisite that in a logical combined framework is set the development model, and economic strategy and foreign policy proportionately to the model. The optimal and desired combination in the past six programs should be included the extrovert and endogenous development model and the strategy of active economic diplomacy based on international exchanges and developmental foreign policy. Proportionating to this desirability, the main question is about the what position of economic diplomacy in the six development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the in seventh plan. The hypothesis is that the development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the 7th development plan, did not include a pattern proportionating to development and it has led to Refusal to set goals and prioritize of economic diplomacy in the six programs. The purpose of the article is to explain the factors affecting the neglect of economic diplomacy in the development programs of Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present article considers the economic prioritization and targeting as a serious necessity within the developmental state theory and on the basis of development planning styles and deals with the requirements and strategic implications, taking into account the possibility and refusal of the economic goals of the 7th Development Plan. The findings of the article is that Islamic Republic of Iran must consider the necessities and requirements of a specific foreign policy so called internationally selected interaction. The research method of the article is descriptive - analytical and based on the conceptual and theoretical understanding of the developmental foreign policy, the place of economic diplomacy in Islamic Republic of Iran's development programs is explained.

In 2019, the Supreme Court of Ontario, Canada recognized and implemented the decision of the US appeals courts in this regard, according to the amendment of the 2012 Canadian Immunity Act and the Mutual Recognition of Judicial Opinions Act between the US and Canada. The document published by this court on August 7, 2019, emphasizes that the proceeds of two properties belonging to Iran, which were sold for an approximate value of 28.3 million Canadian dollars (21.3 million US dollars), should be presented to the heirs of Marla Bennett; Bennett was an American citizen who was killed in a 2002 Hamas bombing of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This action of the Canadian court, which was based on the Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act 2012 and the instructions on the lists of states that support terrorism, has put the question before international lawyers whether the violation of the immunity of the Iranian government's property in Canada is based on the principles of law. International, has a legal status? The result of the current research is that the main argument of the Canadian courts regarding the violation of the immunity of the state property of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this country is that the Lebanese Hamas and Hezbollah groups are terrorists, and any support for them is considered to be support for terrorist groups. This is despite the fact that the procedure of the Canadian government in describing governments or groups as sponsors of terrorism is discriminatory, and it has accepted the effective control criterion as an international criterion, and most importantly, in none of the documents The United Nations, Hamas and Hezbollah groups in Lebanon have not been considered as terrorist groups, therefore, the exception of terrorism cannot be cited in violating the immunity of the Iranian government's property.

Despite the limited financial resources available for technological entrepreneurship in Iran, particularly in terms of bank-oriented financing, venture capital (VC) plays a relatively minor role in financing knowledge-based and technology-driven companies. Strengthening the legal infrastructure through appropriate incentives could promote VC growth. This article, after reviewing the theoretical foundations, performs an importance-performance analysis of the legal components affecting VC in Iran at two levels: macro policies and specific regulations related to VC funds. This analysis was carried out by distributing a semi-structured questionnaire among CEOs and vice presidents of VC funds, non-governmental research and technology funds, and other private companies. The current state of the legal infrastructure for VC was then examined by analyzing relevant laws and comparing them with prioritized legal components. The aim was to suggest solutions to address legal gaps and enhance relevant laws. The findings indicated that, except for tax incentives, other key legal components necessary for VC development are not adequately addressed in the existing laws. To address this deficiency, it is recommended that the social security law be revised to consider the nature of startups and technology companies, and that the intellectual property system be organized to increase demand for venture capital. Additionally, policymakers are advised to continue and streamline processes related to existing tax exemptions, provide tax exemptions for profits reinvested in production rather than distributed among shareholders, and impose taxes on speculative activities outside the innovation ecosystem to channel financial resources into technological entrepreneurship.

International power is considered one of the essential and fundamental components in international politics. In the classical view, power has been analyzed primarily from a hard power perspective. Consequently, governments, politicians, and policymakers have been encouraged to understand and utilize hard power. However, with the examination of soft power and related concepts such as soft overthrow, soft warfare, and soft security, these ideas quickly gained significant attention in the political discourse of various countries, including the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and using library and online resources, seeks to answer the question: What is the analysis of the Islamic Republic of Iran's soft power and its impact on national security? The findings indicate that the most important components of Iran's security in the realm of soft power stem from the dominant values of society, the values of the Islamic Revolution, and soft power in higher-level documents, all of which have a direct relationship with ensuring national security.

Although deterrence can be traced back to the military literature and the writings of Carl von Clausewitz, deterrence theory neverthelessflourished in the Post-World War II era and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The deterrence strategy is especially important in some regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia, which are among the most intense  conflict zones in the world.Research question: What are the conceptual coordinates of the internationalization of deterrence as a theoretical framework and its application to Iran's deterrence strategy in the peripheral regions?

Research hypothesis:

 In response to the main question of the article, using the case study method, the author proposes the concept of internationalization of deterrence and examines its application first by the great powers of the world and then by Iran in its peripheral regions including the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. The internationalization of deterrence means a situation where the deterrent power provides part of its military and security capabilities including weapons, forces, and allies to other actors who intend to raise the level of deterrence, increase its effectiveness and expands its geographical scope, thereby creating fundamental changes in the strategic calculations of a potential aggressor. Internationalization of deterrence using missile power and paramilitary groups has been a part of Iran's military and security strategy in peripheral regions including the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 In this research, using Qualitative case study method, the concept of internationalization of deterrence and its application by Iran at the regional and global level has been analyzed. This paper presents the theoretical framework of the internationalization of deterrence. In the framework of this theory, political actors in the field of world politics transfer part of their military and weapons capacity to allied actors with the aim of strengthening deterrence.

Deterrence theory flourished after World War II and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The United States as the first nuclear power, maintained a monopoly on nuclear weapons for four years. During the Cold War, as part of the nuclear sharing policy, the United States deployed tactical nuclear weapons in Europe to counterbalance the conventional superiority of the Warsaw Pact countries. Nuclear sharing was in fact a kind of internationalization of US nuclear deterrence. In addition to nuclear deterrence, world powers internationalized their conventional deterrence at lower levels. The deployment of Jupiter missiles in Turkey, the deployment of Soviet missiles in Cuba, the deployment of the American and Soviet missiles on European soil, and the AUKUS treaty are among the most important examples of internationalization of conventional deterrence after World War II. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War and the emergence of new threats such as terrorism, cyber attacks and limited wars, caused a change in the deterrence strategy of countries and more attention to improving conventional deterrence.Iran is one of the countries that has changed its conventional deterrence strategy in the last few decades. The 1979 revolution can be considered as the origin of Iran's proxy deterrence because one of its most important goals was the export of its revolutionary thinking for the freedom of the nations of the region. Although this ideal did not change any country in the region, it aligned some groups in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine, Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan and etc.  with Iran’s regional doctrine. The 8-year Iran-Iraq war can be considered as the source of Iran's missile deterrence. In the early years after the victory of the revolution, the structure of Iran's military forces was practically in disarray. Saddam Hussein also tried to use this opportunity to achieve his expansionist goals in the oil-rich areas of Iran. During the war, while the Iraqi army had access to many conventional and unconventional weapons from 80 countries, Iran was under arms embargo and in order to receive a limited number of missiles, it had to enter into tough diplomatic and military negotiations with four countries: Syria, Libya, North Korea, and China. After the end of the war, the development of the missile program became a key to Iran's deterrence strategy. Due to arms embargoes and financial problems after the war, Iran first built its pillars of deterrence on the two bases of proxy and missile deterrence, and in the second stage, it internationalized its deterrence in peripheral regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia.

The 1979 revolution and the 8-year war with Iraq prompted Iran to use a different deterrence strategy in its peripheral regions in order to internationalize its deterrence. Financial problems after the 8-year war with Iraq, as well as arms embargos, led Iran to internationalize its deterrence using missile power and allied groups. This policy has changed the strategic calculations of possible aggressive powers and has prevented a new large-scale war against Iran.

The regionalism and security order of ancient Iran had placed a collection of local and regional systems within a comprehensive system under the name of empire, or rather imperial. Ethnic and geographical, religious dispersion was a feature of such a system. One of the most prominent polymorphic systems resulting from such an accumulation was its governance and order management. The heterogeneous parts, the connection between them and the central system, the synchronization of the systems, the synchronicity and synergy between them, and finally their termination on the same point or goal, had made order their main conundrum. Finding a way to answer such a riddle required innovation in order and governance. The fundamental question is, what innovative methods did ancient Iran provide to answer the riddle of order in the ancient multi-body system of the empire? Satrapy as the regionalism of ancient Iran has been the answer to such a question. The purpose of this study is to investigate this order and reveal Iranian innovation in regionalism. The research method was qualitative and the documentary and library review technique was used to collect data. The most prominent achievement of the present study is the link between the oldest Iranian innovation in the old order and regionalism, which today is considered as a model of global governance.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate the possibility of establishing a hegemonic security model in the West Asia Region after the US attack on Afghanistan and Iraq and also after the developments of the Islamic awakening known as the Arab Spring in the Middle East. For this, the requirements of the security model of hegemony have been raised at the beginning. Things like internal dynamism, the desire to play a hegemonic role, regional leadership capacity and ability, high regional influence, the ability to deal with the coalition of other countries in the region, acceptance by other countries in the region and the potential ability to reach global power are among the most important requirements that regional countries must fulfill in order to reach the hegemonic stage. In order to measure these requirements for the powerful countries of the Middle East such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, this question has been raised Considering the security requirements of the hegemonic model, is it possible to establish this model in the West Asian region in the post-American era? According to the security requirements of the hegemonic model, the hypothesis is that the powerful countries of the Middle East do not have often these requirements, especially the ability to deal with the coalition of regional countries, acceptance by other members and the potential possibility of reaching global power. This article, using a descriptive-explanatory method, has investigated the hegemonic security model and its compliance with the conditions and status of the countries of the Middle East region. The results obtained by documentary method and descriptive-analytical approach indicate that although the countries of Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey have a high regional influence, this influence has faced the opposition and competition of other powers and therefore cannot be accepted by other countries. Also, in the event of a war, a single country does not have the ability to face a coalition of countries, besides these countries do not have the ability to become a world power. Therefore, the model of hegemony has little practicality in the West Asia.

Recent political, security, military, and economic developments in the region have forced Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime, despite their many differences (geographical, historical, cultural-religious, and governmental system), to exert influence on regional governments. Upgrade. The main purpose of this research is to identify the main components influencing and facilitating the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in the framework of neo-realist theory and understanding the threats posed by these relations on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, descriptive and analytical methods have been used to gather information from library and documentary sources and in order to collect scientific observations and research findings, the theoretical approach of power balance has been used. For Waltz, the balance of power is a fundamental factor in harnessing strong actors in international relations, and in fact, it is the structure of the international system and the necessity of survival. The main issue of the research is that the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime can be explained and evaluated in the framework of neo-realist theory? The main hypothesis of the research is in response to the question that the components facilitating the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime are based on the neorealist approach based on exploiting the system of balance of power, using political, economic, security and military opportunities for unity. Coherent governments in controlling Iran's regional and international power can be explained and evaluated.

Guardianship is one of the most important institutions known to protect the rights and property of disabled people. The trustee is responsible for the compensation of the property if he is at fault in performing legal actions for the owner. Movalla_alayh, in Iranian and French law, civil liability resulting from a minor harmful act is one of the examples liability resulting from the act. It is different that the purpose of this article is to investigate the guardian’s responsibility in the legal system of Iran and France, descriptive research method. It is analytical and from the results of this research, it can be said briefly that the supervisor’s responsibility is according to the section 7 of the Civil liability law. is examined that the realization of the supervisor’s responsibility has general and specific conditions that are researched will be investigated, while French law is based on the assumption of fault, which is against the rules. It is general and parents are jointly responsible for damages caused by miner children who live with them in the same place.

In recent years, despite the presence of foreign forces, Afghanistan has faced many challenges; The increase in terrorist activities, the spread of poverty and unemployment, and the lack of a strong central government are only part of Afghanistan's problems, which have created suitable grounds for the Taliban's re-establishment of power. In this regard, this article tries to discuss the factors behind the re-emergence of the Taliban with thematic analysis method. The method of data collection is document studies and in-depth interviews with professors and experts in this field. The analysis of the research findings shows that in the field of re-establishing the power of the Taliban, there are two categories of macro and organizing themes of external and internal factors, each of which has its own basic themes. Among the foreign factors or themes, we can mention the contradictory role of America in the nation-state-building process, the rivalry between India and Pakistan in Afghanistan, the border conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan, colonial rivalry and the Cold War. Also, internal factors or themes such as ethnic conflict and conflict, economic challenges, educational and cultural challenges, weakness of the central government and inconsistent security and military forces were identified. At the end, the necessity of dealing with this group from military, political, social, economic and environmental aspects was discussed.